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A History of the Prohibition Party, 1854-1972 

Roger C. Storms 

Copyright© 1970, 1972 by Roger C. Storms 
Printed in the United States of America 

National Prohibition Foundation, Inc. 
Post Office Box 2635 
Denver, Colorado 80201 ^ 



MR. EARL F. DODGE — Colorado 
MR. JAMES HEDGES — Moryland 


MR. WARREN N. MclNTYRE - Pennsylvania 






' He f ¥ °/ mati Tu ° n the , foUowin g Pages is the product of twelve 
, i kk y °a the P u £lt ° f the author - Xt be S an as a curiosity grew 

Into a hobby, and now hopefully has evolved into a serious wo rfc Much 
Dj the information contained herein comes from standard reference books 
iY'Tn^ 1 * ha %^f n . Wri l ten anywhere on the Prohibition Party as 
Ul hj indeed, very little has been written about the people in the move- 
ment And even when it is historians usually offer very little infXa- 
tlOO on their place m the Prohibition Party. 

IVm?*? n 2 ta w le T exce P tio * is Dr - Mary Earhart's biography, Frances 
U.llnrd which I commend to the serious student of political act^sm 

Et-iS 1 *? T es a dee P debt of gratitude to D. Leigh CoS 

book F »Uta m the United States. While it contains much informal 

M the temperance movement as a whole, it is the standard source of 

■ I. olarly information on the party up to 1926. For the party's annals 

us of thTp' y?7 ha ^ t0 ^ ^ P ° n VariOUS P eri odicaIs and pubhct 

"ons of the Prohibition National Committee, as well as the personal 

[•collections of various individuals. A summer was spent in 1968 at the 

ptrtya national headquarters in Kalazamoo, Michigan, during which time 

ood deal of information was gathered. I have sought to apply current 

lorical discoveries and interpretations to this information in order to 

s the place of the Prohibition Party in American history. 

I have found that there have been three distinct periods in the party's 
fta^B^p 1 *^. 1 ? ^^ S^Ktff (1) the Prophetic period* 1854- 
,' Had \w lQ79 ag ^ atlC P Tii° d ' 1 ? 6 - 1932 ; (3) and the Fundamentalist 
l" nod, 1932-1972 During the earliest years of the party, its leaders 
U led a style similar to the Old Testament prophets. They envisioned an 
■ vangehstic transformation of America through which the party itself 
would remake the social order. Two lasting contributions were made 
Which gave the Prohibition Party a great importance to American develop! 
tit. Jjirst of all, thousands of women were mobilized into the political 
process for the first tone. The major parties and other third parties did 
1101 miss the point that women could be a powerful political force The 
BCond important contribution was the fact that party leaders came 'from 
he most affluent colleges and congregations of the Northeast. This sec- 
l of the country was the one most insulated against the Greenback 
and Populist reform movements. Only the Prohibition Party was or- 
ganized to campaign successfully for reform in these areas. 

The pragmatic period was a time when party leaders generally did 
ftOt envision replacing one of the major parties. Their chief aim became 
one of pressure politics. They joined in coalitions with other organiza- 
tions, hoping to infiltrate other temperance groups. Usually the reverse 
proved to be the final result The greatest contribution of this period 
was activation of college students into a mass political movement for the 
first time in American history. -\ 

After 1932, smaller splinter groups within Protestantism began to 
•rt themselves. These groups had been in the party for a long time 
but had never assumed much leadership above the local level More and 
more, there was a hardening against a name change that would bring in 
new groups. More and more the emphasis was placed on remaining 
righteous by keeping separate from an unclean political process These 
gore plainer, simpler people who were often suspicious of glamorous 
iders with national reputations. The most important contribution of the 

party in this V^~™«"?&^J^fTl&^ 

tato the two-party system. ^ ProlutaUon ^ J movem ent that had 
^national image tor ^ £ u n daroent^tm coming to modern American 
previously felt alienated %^£ffi<£*&*. and '^itutionahze 
society. In so doing «***rtg£?j2 the United States, 
fundamentals as a permanent 1 ^ ^ 

Much of this book is biogr aphicahl I :* a* ^^y forgot ten. 
I tell their story because they are men 


Roger C. Storms was born in 1939 at Houlton, Maine. He was edu- 
cated in the public schools of Houlton, Gardiner, and Yarmouth, while his 
father was serving pastorates for the United Baptist Convention of Maine 
ile graduated from North Yarmouth Academy in 1957. 

The author received his B.A. degree in education from Eastern Bap- 
tist College of St. Davids, Pennsylvania, in 1961, also serving as student 
council president. He received an M.A. degree in history with Phi Kappa 
hi honors at the University of Maine in Orono in 1968. He has always 
had a particular interest in movements of social and political dissent He 
has been an American Studies Fellow with the Coe Foundation, making 
I study of communal experiments in America. As an N.D.EA Fellow at 
Dartmouth College, he made a study of Toryism in the American 

His master's thesis was a study of political behavior patterns of the 
town of his maternal ancestors. It was expanded into a town history and 
nil Wished m 1969 under the title, History of Parkman. As a resident of 
Lee, Maine, he also prepared a twenty-five-town regional study of his 
own area for high school students of his history classes It was pub- 
lished in 1971 under the title, A History of Three Corners. Both books 
were purchased m quantity by acts of the Maine legislature for distribu- 
tion to public libraries around the state. 

Storms has taught local history in adult education as well as on the 
.secondary level. In addition to these books, he has written a dozen arti- 
cles of a historical nature appearing in four periodicals, as well as numer- 
ous editorial pieces. 

Active in several historical groups, he is on the board of directors 
"I the Lee Historical Society and Museum. An incorporator of the Maine 
' lid Cemetery Association, he served on its board of directors from its 
lounding to. the present. Besides his historical lectures, Storms is a 
licensed lay preacher with the United Baptist Convention of Maine He is 
moderator of his local church, and has held various minor offices on 
local, association, and state level in his denomination. He has also served 
as interim pastor of the Congregational church in Springfield, Maine. 

A fourth generation educator, Storms has taught English, history and 

rnment in the schools of Dexter, Greenville, Lee and Lincoln for 

•leven years. For seven years, he was guidance director and social studies 

• 1 1. urman at Lee Academy. He presently teaches history and government 

Bl the high school in Lincoln, Maine, while also serving as one of 

school board representatives. He has pioneered in several new 

curriculum changes. His program for teaching religious beliefs in the 

pools has been the subject of an interview on* Maine educational 

I -vision. He had held several offices in teachers associations including 

1 'I of local president. -\ 

He was married in 1963 to Margaret L. Fry of Kittanning, Pennsyl- 
vania. They have two children, a girl age seven and a boy age three 
since 1963, Storms has represented Maine on the Prohibition National 

uttee. He has served as secretary of the committee since 1969 and a 
hoard member of National Prohibition Foundation. He is the founder 
U)d national president of the Partisan Prohibition Historical Society. 

Koger Storms comes from a family £*£L££3b8£. was" £ 
Maine for five ^«» b ^M»tt o^tto offiffiS Law Party of 1854 
organizer and wmnng candidate or theengi" rf nearly twelve years of 





THE LEAN YEAES, 1872-1882 7 

• 1 1 AFTER m 

REORGANIZATION, 1882-1884 „ 


IN THE LIMELITE, 1884-1896 1? 






IN AND OUT OF THE CHASM, 1920-1932 39 




OVER THE PEAK AND DOWN, 1944-1952 51 









ft rican political historv I w« a I* 3S ^ Wlthout P arallel in 

Sea ss™" 1 " * * ™""" sz^aa: 

In the decades preceding 1854, the reforms f™,r.H «4+i„ 

- nl in the established political pS^KtS nf hn^T^' 

'Otate up the comprehlSve natuTe'ont movemeTXSion nf? U " d 

not the only issue. Of the other KSfflt'S 

toty laws against the liquor traffic were moS otten mentonTd. P ° hlbl " 

The founders of the Prohibition Party were nurtured in thf h,™« • 
Ulan agitation of the decades prior to 18M tLI™ i humani- 
ation of the Republican Sv A wZ, "? a part of the 


Qne day a woman, who was *^ u I $ffi£ffV*Z& 


do as it pleased. temperance law some years 

x «■ Ar^leton had pushed through V*™]^ leg islator, and aboh- 

? h % 0C st u d g h? aSB its excessive use on* 

"dow o—ed a«555S^^~Kirffi« 

iccfiqlature into enacun© 

thl legislature for two terms. and 

The idea electrified the reform elem-t= across the ^^ r J 

missus* — - - 

flexible positions. contrast to elsewhere 

ThP reason for prohibitory success in Main em key issues 


the country. «ior>orted the Civil 

Neal Dow became an «*^ *g^J?,ffi meant expuj 
W 4omrtua«"e > V^ 

Sar *^ 
SWort a Hu^n^%e\ecupera S 

D^wVo-ered in the me— "on of ^developer on the easter, 
dSrf of Portland's volunteer fire f.ghte M ,. ne ^^ Ral , road 
Maine frontier, and a found ^ frontier, and a tounu« pronib itio 

efloris w« whu-i iii.hIc its Iirbt aw successful 


Party in new *•*---> 
period as the Maine Law 

using such violent methods nomned to find Brown 

c^orar^of Thadleu^St^^ 6 f ^"^r County, and was a 

ied ^m^S^JSS ^JSLffffS ȣAS 

' !n"a ve a ryTfi h e r L1T e P ht 0f T^f 3"? "f ^ the Re P»°^ phenom- 

of veterans' pensions. By 1877, ^^^^^ 7 ^^^ 
Wive up their civil rights P^f^J^fto give up the Reconstruction 

ik^^^^^^^^^ new capUaliSm ^ 

^perance — ->- %Jf^t^^^^ 
betraying its original spirit ^^Tof CivS wfr bitterness. To them 
approve of the constant exploitation -<*^™ ody sh irt." On the surface 
tl was a phony technique of™v«to bK y^ Republieanis m and 
It sharply divided ^^J^E&ce the political leaders of both 
southern Democracy wh emacW P^.^^ reform , 

sections joined hands to preve luinllUt sen timents, was one 

Gerrit Smith, in spite of ^"*^^&tton with 

of the signers of Jefferson Davis bail ^ bond^He u g no ^ 

?C oL,lh As Neal Dow later put it, no more Mm Prohibition 

Northlnd no more waving of the btood, r- * £ *£**£ Party ha d 

Party was born because its J-*™^ 1 ^^ of business as usual. 

SfS^SWSSSaff^"* Phony sectionaiism which 

^"attention from the real issue, ^ 

On January 8, 1867, forty friends o Method^ c ^ 

w to:;r;riTe g r::;:, ^ra«s.«J 

each rneetmg, however, by those , who w^d*^ s > 

Se^hr AT £K country wbere they dtd not 

By January 26, 1869, *^£^$%3&£Z#tf£ 

form in Jackson Michigan ^o months later, a ^ Qrganizatlon was 

* ter ^S ^CsfieTd Ohio STuly 4, 1869. 

C0 T I il Temple I^J-^S^SH 

SliferfiSrffi ^r^ntiTerham was elected governor .1 

the next election. ^ ^ . ffin waged ^ a -^.— - ^^JtottSS'S?' 

r 10 "? *„ e crrmns, each implying th- ',. < <i > n:ilion al conventw 

temperance groups, each im 
Induced the Good Templar: 
A„r-\r\a their sessions 01 May, - 
Sents of some twenty state s. 

men at a political I convent™ I P tl"£ \l ^ ° n an e ^ ual basis with 
Pwhibition P pS? ^hSSSS? hat WaS continue <i ^ the 

■ ".laveThtose^specia^hto To^ "^ *?£* o£ Wm wh ° has 

J»P G ^ S Myron Tclar^who^S f d "W 1 * old Anti-Dram- 

•• '^Zfunt^r officfo 1 - t0 tn rUn 't PhiUipS 'P*** a ^"g P^ of 
^.llis hopeV^ly corrup WendeVphiCs'w^ Wi ""* h / r6 - 

"»(?« literature aid ballots, he polled a surorisfn* li Q4R dell , Ver j? IS 

'" I lltable showing of a Prohibition Kdate P g ' 46 V ° teS ' the 

?I..U. ^dbSfH^hl'jr^! K5SP *!? * he Democratic 

could not 


THE LEAN YEARS, 1872-1882 

Prohibitionists met in Columbus, Ohio, on February 22, 1872, to hold 

first nominating convention. The names of several prominent men 

n proposed for national office, including Benjamin F. Butler and 

hi led States Chief Justice Salmon P. Chase. However, the convention 

Ulod to name two of its party founders. James Black of Pennsylvania 

nominated for president and John Russell for vice president. 

Besides a call for national prohibition by constitutional amendment 

platform called for an end to the spoils system through Civil Service 

I'm, regulation of public utilities, sound currency convertible into gold 

liver, and better public education. It attacked business monopolies 

I HI subsidies by the government, and it called for fair treatment of 

' -I -i. 1 he platform endorsed woman suffrage with only twenty-two 

i Mi [ales dissenting. Franchise without regard to race was also called for 

' iNttlly, a liberal immigration policy was endorsed. All of the above ideas 

'' ,m a wide acceptance in the decades to come. But in 1872 thev 

a ahead of the times. ' 

The new national chairman, Simeon B. Chase, had served many terms 
be Pennsylvania legislature as a Republican, including one term as 
Iter of the House. Very little campaigning was done in 1872 Most of 
I was done was through literature distribution. John Russell's Pen- 
lor Herald had 5,000 subscribers. A hundred thousand copies of Rus- 
pamphlet, "An Adequate Remedy for a National Evil," were dis- 
ited. Seven college presidents were won to the party, but there were 
votes on election day. Six states reported a total of 5,605 for Black 

« tonnecticut Prohibitionists nominated a former United States Senator 

is Gillette, as their candidate for governor in 1872. Gillette ran well 

d of the national ticket and held the balance of power between the 

major parties. By 1874, the Prohibition vote in Connecticut had 

rtrai ned five per cent (4,960). 

That same year, a humble beginning was made in California, which 
-Hi. I one day be the largest arm of the Prohibition Party. The Tem- 
per mice Reform Party formed in 1874 did no more than call for liquor 
ics. The platform also called for government regulation of the rail- 
the eight-hour working day, economy in government, and the 
iing of physical work with regular book learning. The party's chief 
paper was the California Voice, still America's oldest temperance 
i " ii' idical. 

In 1875, Rhode Island Prohibitionists polled 8,724 votes for governor, 
'in Hi rowing the election into the state legislature. Since the candidate 
Iso the Independent nominee, he received a .plurality. However the 
Ii '■! ■•I.ilure did not choose him. 

The 1876 national convention met on May 17th in Cleveland, Ohio 
' he name was changed to Prohibition Reform Party. The platform called 
POI Lhe abolition of polygamy, and the suppression of lotteries and gam- 
Sunday observance and free use of the Bible in the schools were 
ed. Compulsory education by constitutional amendment was fa- 
med. However, no particular religious group was to be favored over any 
1 1 n i in education or any other governmental matters. 


i" i 


. ii 

Ml. | 

The party called for ^^fJ^Tn^^nT^U^ 
tices in prison systems were ^ deplored ™f "™ * n pub lic land The 
currency system was « lUclz f • ^/"^ual setUers Direct election of 
platform called for land grant ^^™ a e ^ orsed . All these new 
2Sr^S5MW££ ^ored four years before. 

As a candidate for president, «-««««« ■*»*& % VB 
guished Green Clay Srmth. Simth s f^ hadheen a top a 

K SSs:K*i --— « General 

Green Clay who had served in the War of 1812. 

Young Green Clay Smith was an officer i n i the M^Wag ^turn- 
ing to Kentucky, he became a ^yor and leg ls ^ r ^ A ^J? genera i in the 
SSEKSS S^^^iSn^^t^ Creek and was 
wounded at Lebanon, Tennessee. 

While still in the field he ^^^^SSk^^U 
S3£ SfflU" 8C3S?£SK ^p e^inar'y caucusing, he 
w™ edged out by Andrew Johnson by one vote. 

Leaving Congress, he became ^tteW^j**- -f J**"^ 
difficult time There was , md^read c^upt on ««$*,. B1 Horn . 
trators and the Indians had just ^^S,. ably . After his term 
Smith handled both corruption and ** ^f. a "^ t g e f q° Lptist ministry, 
as governor, he felt a call to leave P"^ 1 * «^S ™ most influential 
As g a clergyman he) «?«*£**£&& j& 3g£* <&«* in Wash- 
SX^^^taS^S*tthS& in the temperance cause and 
thus a'greed to be the Prohibition presidential candidate. 

Smiths running mate ^M^a'^M 
fice-holder in Huron Couriy, «**«wt ^^^ in Iowa . 

buque Times during the ClvU ..^. ar '/^ T ™us newspapers, particularly the 

ffitttfs mst^sk »-£& ^ ^ * Te m. 

perance and the Good Templars in Ohio. 

Prospects for *e campaign ^J^ffi *%£"££ *? 
forty newspapers endorsed the £**£»* <™* pres ident of Wes- 
strong state candidates such ^DrJo^ ^^J \ £ Connecticut. Ill 
^J^A^J^Zt^n^U^ with the Greenbacks 

But the election ^.^ i «ffl^M«l*! 
history of voting fraud «8«^ **JSSXSn vote was reported in Buf 
campaign in New Jork, .not ^a single ^ P^Mion vote fa P ^ ^ 

falo, Albany or New York Clt ?;Jf^ Allies had been held there. Th. 
party leaders lived in these el »«» •~ 3 ™ J ^ > ^n states. Of course, thi 
vote for Smith and Stewart totaled 9^37 "°™ l than this . The vot 

vote for state tic^ ~ nt ^«d^to be m^y tmres m ^.^ 

in the ten states for state offices totaled .1* ^ 14 ln ^ vote in aix states on 
XX^^hr^:Tci^X^^ offices were elected. 


nSSSSS^SS^ t0 join a fusion md Van Zandt was elected for three 

There were 142 delegates from twelve states at the June 17 1880 
." n » 1 D C °u V u n + - 10 ^ meetin S in Cleveland, Ohio. This time, "Narrow 
Uauge Prohibitionists prevailed and the platform spoke almost exclu- 

• !« V tfrage n ^ qUeSti ° n ' The ° nly ° th * r isSUe endorsed wa? woman 

Their choice for president was Neal Dow, who was nominated "by 
11 unanimous rising vote with cheer upon cheer and the doxology " His 
ke presidential partner was Dr. Henry A. Thompson, who had been a 
Professor of mathematics at various colleges. At the time of his nomina- 
.<" I he was president of Otterbein University. He had also been superin- 
Mnlrnt of schools m Troy Ohio, editor-in-chief of Sunday school ma- 
teria Is for the United Brethern Church, as well as editor of the United 
Brethren Quarterly Review. Dr. Thompson was the author of five books. 

i..r„2f^ ^u W t? id *°. active campaigning. Like Gerrit Smith who had re- 
Uirned to the Republicans in 1872, General Dow vacillated on whether to 
make a complete break with party which had been founded on humani- 

uSfrtl Z m \F° W S nd + Smit fe t lons with man ^ others > ke Pt ^ping 
'I i the Republican Party could be persuaded to return to its original 
ideals. Privately he wrote to his friend, James G. Blaine, "I was never 
J more stalwart Republican than I am now, and so most earnestly wish 
success to Gen. Garfield." 

Blaine released the statement to the press and it was widely cir- 
'. n D ™J e P» dl ^ d the "marks and voted for his own ticket rather 
than Garfield s. But he was glad when Garfield won, and he supported 
;" ne f0 i r ye ?> rS ££?' however, as time passed, he saw one betrayal 
lft«X another By 1885, he declared, "They have spit in our faces art 
kicked us out. I, for one, am out." Never again did Neal Dow worry about 
mg the Republican vote. He spent the rest of his life campaigning 
tirelessly for the Prohibition Party-far more actively than he had for 
hi.-; own candidacy. Once more he ran for mayor of his native city and 
xv as given a large vote on the Prohibition ticket alone. 

The damage for 1880 had been done. The vote for Dow and Thompson 
M "nly 10,3C4. Nevertheless, the candidate for governor in Michigan the 
following year polled 7.7% of the vote and other states reported good 
1 1' i wings. r s 

Although the party's following had remained small in these early 

vnirs, it had attracted a number of distinguished supporters. One of these 

wii.'i Dr. A. A. Miner, a prominent Universalist clergyman. After several 

p«rs in educational administration on the secondary level, Dr Miner was 

'.,'! u P °?, tC \£ e P residem \ of Tufts College. Tufts was. in deep financial 

MTiculty. Dr. Miner was able to reorganize and expand the college while 
i-iiimg it on a sound financial footing. He served as president for twelve 
v .'iii's. Thereafter, he promoted Dean Academy in Massachusetts and God- 
Bird beminary in Vermont. All the while, he was prominent in party 

Irutegy sessions behind the scenes. He served as president of Boston's 
' I onement-House League. Professor John Bascom was yet another 
1 ' • ' ' ' • r.< ■ administrator recruited in these early years. He was president of 
Mm- University of Wisconsin during thirteen of its most formative years 

1 well as being important in the party's inner councils. As a scholar he 
[HOncered in the field of psychology. 

Another important adherent was John Sobieski. He was author of a 


biography about his famous ancestor, King John Sobieski of Poland who 
turfed back Moslem invaders at Vienna in the seventeenth centurv. 
Beto the direct descendant of this famous king, young Johns father be- 
™™ ^the central figure in a nationalist uprising against the Russians in 
m6 When John was four, his father was executed and his mother : was 
forced to flee to England. At the age of twelve, his mother died and left 
hmi alone n a strange land. He came to America and served as an army 
Wer in the Indian Service in the West. During the Civil War he served 
a^ a colonel in the Army of the Potomac. Afterwards, he joined the effort 
to drive M™an out of Mexico. As chief of staff to General Escobedo. 
he was present at Maximilian's execution. 

John Sobieski settled in Minnesota and began the practice of law. 
As a member of the state legislature, he wrote the first woman suffrage 
Mil to b? introduced in the country. He became an active party cam- 
paigner for various offices, living well into the twentieth century. 

"Dr and Mrs A. J. Gordon were prominent at many party functions 

known as the founder of Gordon College. 

The most striking characteristic of the Prohibition Party was the place 
nrcuniedTv women in the high councils of the party. There are many 
women like iTs A. J. Gordon who could be mentioned. Perhaps the mos 
W r^Pnfamong them was Mrs. Eliza D. Stewart, popularly known as 
^MoTer* St'waft. Sh™ gained her title for her charitable work among 
the soldiers during the Civil War. 

Mother Stewart was on the first national board of charities. She wa 
mJtart of tte f irst local woman suffrage organization. She becamj 
president otxne presentations in court suits by drunkards' wives 

k 2° E5 ,,loon keeXr Shllormed a Woman's League in Osborn, Ohio, ii 
against saloon keeper^ sne ic, tu ^ ^^ ^ f<>rme< 

orgardzed as the women's arm of the partisan effort. 


i i 



A group of dissatisfied party members met in a summer cottage near 

■ u'.f Co^T 3 ' f 188L The u meeti ^ has been ref ™ to as th? Late 

w ^}^H^ n V- J °S img i 1 Wl111 *£ e erou P Was a d ? n * mic y° un S woman 

WCTH ^1 1C ?L ly Change th _, e COurse of the Prohibition Party and 

rd W ^ nCW president of the National WCTU, Frances E 

Miss Willard known to her friends as "Frank," much preferred hunt- 

and horseback riding to housework. Influenced by S^^tinTrf 

wSrf SS^f 81 " 1 **"**** F^. ^e became a pJssionatTadvfcaL 

■ ESS* g w te f ° r : V T en ' But she was not an eccentric like many 

.H.agettes. Her genteel, yet powerful, personality won many thousands 

en who were alienated by suffragettes who tried to act ke men 

fcTrtgKr wo e m b e e n ame ** ^ **■** »*™ * th * * ath t= 

I 'ranees Willard graduated from Northwestern Female College She 

/ill t m fnlTJt L Ie fh before 1 ret «mlng to become president of Evanston 

ill ge for Ladies. She was closely associated with Terence V. Powderlv 

•l.-veloping the Knights of Labor as the earliest national labor organs 

I Ion She was president of the National Council of Women, and was one 

he onguial founders of what became the Federation of Women'! 

I ihf w i^w^T^V 5 best known as P^ident of the National WCTU 
I the World WCTU. A statue stands in the Capitol's Statuary Hall as 

so hon^ed^ 1 * 65 g State ° f IUin0iS " She WaS the first woraa * 

Miss Willard did not like the name of the Prohibition Party, and she 

n£ P °l a^^? m £ n £? ? e part y wh0 felt that it h ^d not grown 
■nough. At the Lake Bluff Convocation, this group agreed to form 
I new party called the Home Protection Party 

The Prohibition Party leaders responded by agreeing to a ioint con- 
Wltion at Farwell Hall, Chicago on August 23 and 24. 1882 Twenty-two 
■ were represented by 341 delegates. Except for the Iowa delegation 
■invention agreed to 30m the two parties under the new name Prohi- 
Home Protection Party. 

l,v,Jl e w°n ga ?f d ?^ ty e , n J°/? d the ful1 energy and campaign skills of 
:es Willard for the rest of her life. The party also enjoyed the full 
rsement and co-operation of the WCTU until she had passed from 

Largely through her efforts, several important new leaders were 

■i ted mto the party for she campaigned in every -state and territory 

e United States John B. Gough, an English immigrant, was one 

a was already famous for his lectures as a "reformed drunkard for 

I i Washingtoman Society. Another was Mary T. Lathrap one of the 

est women to be licensed as a preacher in the Methodist Church 

Lathrap was a long-time president of the Michigan WCTU and wrote 

poems and short articles. She campaigned for the party all over 

ountry. ° * - J 

I tf major importance to the development of party propaganda was 
recruiting of some key publishers in New York City. Two of these 
William Jennings Demorest and his wife, Mary Ellen, known to 


most as Nell Demorest. Nell invented the original idea of the paper pat- 
tern for helping women make their own dresses. Her husband opened a 
business on Broadway and later on Madison Avenue, where he pioneerec 
Tn the fashion industry. He kept scouts in Europe to keep him informed 
on the latest styles, and he set up 1,500 agencies which were soon out- 
selling European firms both at home and in Europe itself. 

In order to encourage a large mail-order business, they bundled 
Mme. Demorest's Mirror of Fashions, later changed to Demorest s Family 
Magazine. In this magazine, they pioneered m color plates for iHustra 
Sons and made Paris fashions available to women on the frontier. The 3 
also pioneered in periodicals for the young, with the Juvenile Bulletin o 
FashFonr^d YouSg America for the children. Much writing on behalf o 
Xh* ^ temperance crusade appeared in these magazines In addition Demo, 
rest launched his famous Medal Contests for prohibition essays He dis- 
tributed some 42,000 silver, gold and diamond medals to contestants all 
over the world. About 25ofo00 declamations were delivered in the* 

Nell Demorest was a close associate of Frances Willard in her man: 
activities Nell gave a part of her fortune to the idea that women coul 
owTand operate their own businesses. A clipper ship "Madame Demo 
r«t" was launched, the first to be owned and managed by women. Sh 
had a key part in the promotion of Mandarin Tea, a considerable succes. 
It was sold widely and was a product developed by Madame Demorest an 
her female partner. 

Nell was an active philanthropist who played a key role in Ne\j 
York CityTHouse of Mercy for Fallen Women, in the New York Medics 
College for Women, and in a Normal School for Negroes. Meanwhile, he] 
2d distinguished himself as the inventor of the high-whee L bicycl 
a^d the hoop Ikirt. He also invented several improvements on the sew 
ing machine, gas cooking and heating equipment. 

William Jennings Demorest was suggested as the Prohibition candi 
date for governor of New York along with H. Clay Bascom. Bascora 
another re?mUto the reorganized party, owned the Troy Pattern Worta 
largest manufacturer of stove patterns in the country. Demorest bow* 
to Bascom and ran for lieutenant governor. In that campaign and m 
campai^ for mayor of New York City, Demorest was a vigorous can 
paigner and a record vote-getter. 

Another publisher of major importance whc .joined the movajw 
was Dr Issac K. Funk. Funk first came to New York to edit the Metre 
SoHtS PuTpTt. The purpose of the publication was to supply Bible studiJ 
and sermon materials for ministers. Its name was changed several tirn^ 
until 5? Funk settled on the name, Homiletic Review. From this hi 
branched out into all sorts of books, illustrations and supplies for cl- 

With an old classmate, he formed the Funk and Wagnalls Compan 
which became successful in the publication of standard reference work 
Soml of their successes were the ^^^^volume^djrd Se» 

over the decades. Second, he launched 


?u l- d ? C ades - Second > he launched the Voice, which for manv 
, vas the chief organ of the Prohibition Party. By the camPaiSi df 
1088, this newspaper had a circulation of 700,000. campaign of 

With party reorganization in 1882 and the conversion of so manv 

.'"'of !imill^' h V e ^\ WeTe , feIt Mediately. That fall saw 

e of 25 1B3 cast m New York and a national total for state tickets 

11,896 In California, Dr. R. H. McDonald, president of the Pacific 

Mjfto Francisco, made the first good shLingThere ftJSSS 

' 1,C TheTp b o^tS d n ° thing *? slow down the momentum of the 
I. ,X ?> mT ^}: ted a senes of blunders which only hastened the 

nnd f n/^ 111011 ^ y :, TheiT national standard-Larers of 1884 
and Logan, presented ideas on the distribution of liquor tax 

France Ws. educational *™ es - ™* ^ nothing °to pS the 

?t^E?^ n * prances Willard to the Republican Platform Com- 

e to plead for a clearer stand on prohibition. She was given a brief 
, " '^\ an i a /° ld rece P* ion - Later , the copy of the WCTU ^MemorLdum 
Mch she had presented to them was found on the floor with tobacco 

lim^ce 1 ^*' ThlS W3S ph ° t0 ^ a P hed - d -dely circulated IS "the 

I T r l Til h S e n aS Dr - ? ichar ? Bui - Ch ard's famous boomerang when he 

Tn& R e TT e Tu^% aS the party of " Rum > Romanism Ind Rebel- 

„i£A^ l !! nd ?? ffl S y ^° Ung chairman °f the Prohibition Party 

-l national head of the Good Templars, was present at the Burchard 

V ,0 w S lv f n ° n . behalf of the Blaine candidacy. When he heard these 

wiy, he jotted them down on a piece of paper. A leading Democrat 
■ i jniel Manning) was standing behind him. Manning snatched the paper 

ri}Lr and r d ru T shed + ^ l he telegraph office. Thus were mTny 
tail Catholic voters alienated from the Blaine campaign. 

l[<,W r er -' + i h + \ incident T hkh electrifi ^d the Prohibition campaign was 
yarned with the successful campaign to add a prohibition amendmen 
to the Maine constitution. Maine state elections were held in September 
IPfore the national election in November. As James G. Blaine came in 
vote at his home state precinct, lie refused to take the ballot which 

'""ed the question of constitutional prohibition. He reasoned that this 

i s ate question with which he should not be involved as a national 
update. News of his decision spread across the country like wildfire. 

All of these incidents combined to alienate many from the Republican 
ny The Prohibitionists were major beneficiaries. When John P St 
'-in. heard of the treatment given Frances Willard at the Republican 
•ition, he said, "I will condemn such cowardice, such disregard of 

S V n L e l e * tS ° -o th ? pe0ple T ith my voice ~ an d vote." His conversion 
i in- Prohibition Party was the turning point ^in the 1884 campaign. 

John P St John was born in Brooksville, Indiana. His father was an 
Mi "hohc and he was left to support himself from the age of twelve He 
[Inn -'iitered an unfortunate teenage marriage which ended in divorce 

mi* the California pold rnsh h& had tr, wwh- n + mr >*„ *.u.- *._' 

eir successes were the seveniy-nme-vuiimm ^«*""^ ™\ <-merea an untortunate teenage marriage which ended in divorce 

Spurgeon's seven-volume The Treasury of David, The Jewi |„|„ ng the California gold rush, he had to work at many things to 

Encyclopedia of twelve volumes, and the famous A Standard DicUona As a sailor, he voyaged to Hawaii, Central and South Amirica 

o? the English Language. The last was particularly the personal work .,„ Indian fighter, he was wounded twice. America. 

Dr. Funk. Returning to Illinois, he entered the practice of law When the Civil 

canc^^S^ " br ° ke "* ^ beCame ^ C0,0nel ° f " I,Un ° iS ^^*° 


-war, he settled in Kansas and entered the state Senate. Here St. John 
gained a reputation as a strong opponent of the liquor trafiic. The Pro- 
hibitionists urged him to be their candidate for governor. But he con- 
tinued to hope that the Republicans would stand courageously for the 
"dry" cause. 

St. John finally did agree to run under the Prohibition banner if the 
Republicans would not adopt his idea of prohibition by consti tutorial 
amendment. In 1878, however, the Republicans not only endorsed his idea 
but Sated him for governor as well. He was elected to thai off ice 
in 1878 and again in 1880. Under the administration oi Governor St 
John, Kansas became the first state to adopt prohibition by constitutional 
amendment. Maine followed suit and it was this issue which was the 
downfall of Blaine as noted above. 

Governor St. John was nominated for a third term in 1882. However, 
the "wets" within his own party worked hard to defeat him and they 
were Successful. Still, he continued to hope up to 1884 that his party 
would remain the champion of the "drys." The series of events noted 
7Ce convinced him otherwise. The final break came when Repubh- 
cans in his own state refused to take a strong stand for prohibition 

St. John began to tour the country speaking for his cause and for 
the first time, states all over the country organized ™»**°* Partae* 
Particularly notable was the formation of the party in Indiana All the 
rS -temperance forces united behind Eli F. Ritter in this effort. 
Colonel mtter was a Civil War hero who had fought in most of the ma]oj 
battles on the Tennessee front. 

Eli Ritter was a party Prohibitionist of major importance because he 
established the legaf basis for prohibition through the court. As a 
skillful lawyer, he won reversal in federal court* of a state supreme 
court decision in the case, Haggart vs. Stehlin. The case involved saloond 
iTresSal areas. The fundamental constitutional question concerned 
Se extent to which liquor licenses entitled saloon keepers o the same 
Hvil riffhts as ordinary, legitimate businesses. The federal courts rulea 
that thflTquor traffic "'did not come under the category of normal bus- 
S^beSEU of the great harm done to the moral tone of the 

Eli Ritter set a milestone which continued to be the pattern in th 
courS down to the present day. Later he was active in P-ecutinJ 
SL of voting fraud against the political bosses of Indiana He pldjej 
a major role & the development of the Prohibition Party m Indiana fron 
1884 on. 

With the gathering momentum on the state level and growing angel 
with the Republicans Prohibitionists gathered in Pittsburgh for then 
cZentL TSriSy scheduled for May, the convention was postpone 
un^July 23 and 24. Many members still hoped for a reconciliation am 
so they waited until after the major party conventions. 

Bv Julv it was clear that neither major party intended to give an; 
carter Over selSn hundred delegates and alternates came to Lafayett 
^onf tM^-one states and territories. The sessions were wildl, 

Tohn P St John was nominated unanimously for presi dent Th 
enthusiasm was so great during the nominating speeches, that one seven 


minute seconding speech took twenty-seven minutes to deliver Then 
VIiss Willard delivered her seconding speech, "every one in the hall 
at one time and hundreds of throats made the air quiver with such 

lOUd and prolonged applause that it seemed as if it would never cease." 

I <>r vice president, the convention turned to William Daniel, again 
unanimously. Daniel had delivered the keynote address, interrupted 
■•■ onty times by applause and demonstrations. He had served two terms 
"i the lower house of the Maryland legislature and one term in the 
upper house. He was the founding president of the Marvland State Tem- 
perance Alliance. 

The platform favored the same comprehensive reforms which had 

i advocated in earlier years. New ones were added supporting the 

protective tariff and the concept of veterans' pensions. The WCTU re- 

■ I special praise and state parties were urged to work for woman 

'age- But in spite of the mention of other issues, the chief emphasis 

i the platform was that the liquor traffic was the overriding evil facing 

During the campaign, William Daniel campaigned in eight Southern 

LotOS, besides a tour of New England, Illinois and Wisconsin. St. John 

already scheduled to speak in thirty New York camp meetings 

Thereafter, he held twenty-eight meetings from Chicago to Massachu- 

• Its, eleven of these also in New York. In six major cities, large audi- 
i aims overflowed. 

The campaign was strengthened by distinguished men on the state 

tickets, x^mong the candidates for governor were; Julius H. Seelye in 

1 1 isachusetts, president of Amherst College; James B. Hobbs in Illinois, 

former president of the Chicago Board of Trade; Samuel D. Hastings in 

Misin, state Treasurer for four terms; and David Preston in Michi- 

gin, a leading Detroit banker. 

Republicans became alarmed. Top managers for Blaine offered 
I olonel St. John a bribe to withdraw. When this failed, he was accused 
"i offering to make a deal. Temperance leaders were urged to call for 
till withdrawal, but few could be found who were not already in the 
Oimpaign, Personal attacks on St. John were considerable, but it was 
nothing like what it would be for years after the votes were counted. 

St. John's strategy was to capture the state of New York and throw 

lection into the House or else give the Prohibitionists a balance of 

r. He failed to carry New York in spite of the vigorous campaign 
|Xld good leaders. But he was correct that New York held the balance 
■ a power. St. John polled 25,016 votes in New York, while Blaine lost 
i hi- state by 1,047. Had Blaine carried New York, he would have won. 
Prohibition votes in New York, Connecticut and New Jersey threw the 
Li • i oral votes for those states to the Democrats. p. 

The total vote for St. John was 153,128, fifteen times the presidential 
Vote four years before. In nearly one hundred communities across the 
UOUntry, St. John was burned or hanged in effigy. Attacks on Prohibi- 
1 1« ii nsts were intensified, as ministers were expelled from their pulpits 

• I h I businessmen were boycotted. The name of St. John County in Kansas 

< changed to Logan, in honor of Blaine's running mate who was also 
i aisan. During the debate, one legislator prayed that St. John's name 
"bo obliterated from Kansas history." 


IN THE LIMELIGHT, 1884-1896 

In 1885, a National Prohibition Bureau was formed to promote the 

ork of the party. Special emphasis was placed on organization in the 

•"in i uver the next two years, the Bureau sponsored 10,000 speeches 

i he party and distributed ten million pamphlets. Forty different 

page tracts were issued entitled Prohibition Bombs. By 1888, its 

"K was merged once again with the National Committee. 

The Prohibition candidate for State Treasurer in Kentucky won 27% 

' 1,405) of the vote in 1885, being the only opponent to the Democrats. 

1 ite tickets in 1886 amassed a vote of 294,863. The party held the bal- 

of power in fourteen states and fifty-eight Congressional districts. 

orticularly notable was the campaign of Samuel Dickie for governor in 

Mil lugan. 

Samuel Dickie was destined to have a long and distinguished career 

a *?"u penod as superintendent of schools, he settled down in 

\ Ilium, Michigan. He served as president of the Albion Buggy Company 

• id was founder and president of the Albion Chamber of Commerce. 

1 Mr, he was elected mayor of Albion on the Prohibition ticket. 

nm Dr ' ^ C i ki f Was a P rofessor for many years at Albion College. From 
0] to 1921, he was president of the college. At the outbreak of World 
J If I, he was a delegate to the Church Peace Conference in Switzerland 
lervice to the Prohibition Party began as chairman of the 1884 na- 
tional convention. After the untimely death of John B. Finch, he served 
[01 ihirteen years as chairman of the Prohibition National Committee 
< UIH7-1900). 

Dickie's 1886 campaign for governor in Michigan pushed the party 
<■!«• over the 25,000 mark. In other states, legislators and office-holders 
In the major parties were leaving to run for office as Prohibitionists 
In Pennsylvania, state legislator Charles S. Wolfe doubled the party's 
•"!<• for governor (32,458). State Senator E. L. Dohoney ran ahead of 
"■• Republicans in fifty-one Texas counties in his race for governor. 

In Ohio, the party had the endorsement of twenty-seven newspapers, 
LB Vrrmont, two Prohibitionists were elected to the legislature, as well 
I one in Illinois. All over the country, the Republican Party began to 
hi ike concessions to regain Prohibition votes. However, when they were 
ned, the concessions were generally repealed or nullified by non- 
i ni'Tcement. 

1 1 1 1887, two Prohibitionists were elected to the Massachusetts legis- 
Inture, one of these to the upper house. In New York^there was a rous- 
late convention at which the majority of the delegates were under 
ige of thirty-five. The vote in New York reached 41,850. 

The national convention of 1888 met at Indianapolis on May 30 and 

There were 1,029 delegates from forty-two states and territories, not 

'" mention several thousand visitors. There were four hundred from 

York alone. The day prior to the convention saw the first 

rial oratorical contest of the Intercollegiate Prohibition Association. 

ollege group, formed by Dr. Herrick Johnson, president of Chicago's 

ormick Theological Seminary, became a regular part of the national 

• i lions thereafter. 


The gavel of the convention was made from a Kansas telegraph pol 
on which St. John had been hung in effigy. The objective of 1888 wa 
to make the Prohibition Party a major party. By 1892, they expected 
new political alignment in which there would be two parties and 
simple choice between "wets" and "drys." 

The convention named Clinton B. Fisk as the party nominee for presi 
dent. Fisk was reared in poverty on the Michigan frontier after his f athe 
died at a young age. He was a small banker there until the Panic o 
1857 Taking part in the seizure of Gamp Jackson, Fisk took a leadmj 
part against the Confederate campaigns of Sterling Price in Missouri an( 
Arkansas. He rose to the rank of major-general in the Union cause. 

After the Civil War, General Fisk was a leading official of the Freed 
men's Bureau in Tennessee. He was in charge of refugees, freed slave!" 
and abandoned lands. When someone objected to his work, Presiden 
Andrew Johnson made the famous remark, "Fisk aint a fool, he won 
hang everybody." In Nashville, General Fisk began a school for Negroes 
which became Fisk University. 

Thereafter, he became a prosperous New York banker. Presiden 
Grant appointed him to the Board of Indian Commissioners He serve< 
as president of this board from 1883 until his death. In 1886, he wagej 
a vigorous, four-month campaign for governor of New Jersey in behal 
of the Prohibition Party. He made 125 major addresses. Mass meeting 
were held in every county with many lesser meetings in nearly every 
town. The party vote was tripled (19,808). 

Dr John A. Brooks was named for vice president. The conventio 
had stresed that sectionalism should end. During the Civil War, Brook 
had sympathized with the South while president of a Kentucky collegr- 
At the college, he extended hospitality to soldiers of both armies. 

The platform was a broad-based one in the scope of reforms whic 
were favored. They called for the abolition of the Internal Reyenu 
svstem While accepting the idea of protection of industry, the plattorr 
called for reduction of tariffs. Surplus tariff revenues were oppose* 

Suffrage on an educational basis only was endorsed. Monopoly an 
excessive pricing in business were condemned. It called for arbitrate 
of disputes between labor and management. Some immigration restn< 
tions were urged for the first time, but only for criminals or those wh 
were physically and mentally unfit. The franchise for immigrants befot 
obtaining citizenship was opposed. There was also a resolution urgin 
statehood for the Dakotas and condemning the major parties for n< 
approving such status for them. 

The only controversy occurred over the question of woman suffrag 
The platform also urged "equal wages for equal work" between the sexe 
Neal Dow was not favorable to the concept of equality of the sexes. 1 
was joined by a few others and a floor fight developed under the leadei 
shin of Rev Samuel W. Small of Georgia, who saw the issue as harrrvu 
to the progress of the party in the South. But when the vote was take 
95% of the delegates voted for the suffrage plank. 

Samuel Small was a "Narrow Gauge" Prohibitionist Some yea 
before he had been a well-known columnist for the Atlanta Constitute 
under 'the pen name of "Old Si." Thereafter he was a court report 
and attache of the American commission to the Universal Jixpositi* 
in Paris. 


i i, 
i . 


lie fell victim to alcoholism until converted. At the 1888 convention 
was a newcomer to the party. By 1894, he led the campaign which 
ICtN a Prohibition administration in Norfolk, Virginia. In later years 
was the Anti-Saloon League's most highly paid lecturer. 

\ half-million copies of the 1888 platform were distributed. Fisk's 

lihcation was held in the Metropolitan Opera House in New York 

I one of the largest auditoriums in the world. It drew an overflow 

i like presidential elections before and after 1888, there was no 

mer-labor party to offer a comprehensive program of social justice 

i appealed directly to these groups in his acceptance. 

It is not enough that we reform the individual; we must 
reform the State. The policy of great commonwealths, of a 
whole people, must be remade and put in harmony with sound 
n-onomic principles, the true cooperation of industrial effort 
the essential conditions of national prosperity, and the genuine 
brotherhood of man. ' 

' "T^ 1 F l, sk had P lanne d a vigorous campaign. However after a 
lour Of New England, his health would not permit it. Thereafter he 

'" ' ust a few appearances. One of these was Prohibition Day Cele- 

! n . m .Columbus Ohio. It took two hours for the parade to pass 

hi reviewing stand. The Coliseum was packed both in the morning and 
Ihl afternoon to hear the addresses. 

\ mile-long parade was staged in Poughkeepsie, New York for the 
I -mpaign. In Minneapolis, a parade two miles long was led bv Hugh Har 
rl on, the city's leading banker and Prohibition candidate for governor" 

The National Committee spent $33,397 on the campaign. In addition, 
Lhc readers of the Voice contributed enough money to send the Daner to 
; clergymen and 500 000 farmers during the^ampSgn 
1 publican official who had sought to bribe St. John four years be- 
fore, also purchased 50,000 names stolen from the Voice mailing list 
hen the votes were in, General Fisk had not polled the vote exnected" 
However the vote (249,945) was up 70% over the pr^o^ll^^ 

The National Committee met in Louisville in 1889 to map further 
-y. Plans called for a party organization in every state and terri- 
Special attention was to be given to winning those of foreign birth 
HOV ever, only among Scandinavians was this effort particularly success 
IhI hmphasis was also placed on Junior Prohibition Clubs. 

In elections of that year, J. B. Helwig, former president of Witten- 
m < ollege, was candidate for governor in Ohio. Another helpful cam- 
r from the college community was Dr. C. H. Payne president of 
Wesleyan University By 1890, there were Prohibition organiza- 
tions in all states except Nevada and seven -southern*' states. 

The Tennessee state convention drew 416 debates from fifty-seven 
ties. In two years of work, eighty-two of ninety-six counties were 

mized and all but one of the ten Congressional districts. The candi- 
for governor, Dr. D. C. Kelley, was forced out of his pastorate by the 
MHhodists for his party activities. 

The first successful party candidate for Congress was elected in 1890 
llalvorsen, a Minnesota Scandinavian, won with the support of the 
1 ii mors' Alliance. 

Pour thousand delegates and visitors were present on June 30, 1892 


for the Cinncinnati national convention. Judge Gresham, an observe 
there called it "the most moral and the most intelligent convention that 
the American people have seen." Prominent among the delegates was 
Father Mahoney, the party's chief hope of reaching Roman Catholic immij 
grants. Convention decorations featured white roses, the symbol ot tne 
party during this period. 

The platform contained more planks on issues other than liquor tt 
anv previous platform. There was a lively contest over the plank on cur 
rencv The convention defeated a proposal for free and unlimited coinage 
of silver by a wide margin. However, the platform called for an increase 
in the volume of money to meet the demands of a growing population 
A system of gold, silver and paper money was endorsed but the voiuro 
was to be fixed on a per capita basis. The supply should remain flexible 
with the population growth. 

The second issue which brought a floor fight was the tariff. The cor 
vention opposed protective tariffs except as reprisal against barriers oJ 
other nations upon our products. By inference, the platform was urgmtf 
reciprocal trade agreements. Tariffs for revenue purposes were also op^ 
posed. The platform urged a tax on income rather than on consumptio: 
of goods. 

For the first time, the platform called for restriction of immigratioi 
which was "depressing wages and causing discontent." Naturahzatioi 
procedures should be more difficult and new citizens should not yo 
until a year after naturalization. They also urged that non-resident alie: 
be prohibited from owning land in this country. Furthermore, railroa 
land grants should be retracted. In fact, they even favored limitation 
on the amount of land an individual or corporation could own. 


of its leaders were oriented toward urban life. Miss Willard's 
posed merger was opposed by Colonel St. John. 

i John found a powerful ally in Helen Gougar of Indiana. One of 
i i * y ^T? f° a, C( 3 uire a c°Hege education, Mrs. Gougar had gradu- 

, . 72 P 1 !^-^ 11 ^ 11 ?, 186 °- Later > she was the fi ^ woman to 

' ° d S? ^e Hillsdale College board of trustees. One of the pioneer 

en m the field of law, she wrote the Kansas law granting municipal 

inge to women For fifteen years, she was president of the Indiana 

imnn Suffrage Association. She travelled widely and became famous 

I her travel literature on life in foreign lands. She and her husband 

iHM'iime wealthy lawyers in Indianapolis. 

Helen Gougar and Frances Willard had always been rivals in the 
lious activities which they had in common. ^ "»■ ! * «- 

lily .»r the Prohibition Party. As noted above,' the party's platform did 
Prohibitionists condemned the major parties for the violence in labc k»hiiiic a strongly Populist tone, in spite of the rejection of an outright 
utes and called for fair treatment of individuals in the courts. The iw« silver plank. It also took on a strongly Western flavor in the norni- 

■.^ it chose, despite the fact that the party's chief base of power was in 

for the first time, there was a real contest for the presidential nomi- 

ri However, General John Bidwell of California won on the first 

jUOl over three Eastern opponents. John Bidwell was reared in frontier 

" , 1 ,,,hons - In ° rder to atter> d Kingsville Academy in Ashtabula, Ohio he 

>i to walk 300 miles. The following year, they were sufficiently 'im- 

il with his work to make him principal of the school 

seemed to be condemning bv inference the private armies of the mdu 
trialists who were taking the law into their own hands. Speculation i 
grain or money, pooling, trusts and other forms of price-fixing wej 
specifically condemned. 

They urged that the government restrict excessive prices by thl 
public utilities. Workingmen should be guaranteed by law one day o 
rest out of seven. Opposition was expressed to public money for se 
tarian schools. They advocated a united school system and emphasize 
that the education be in the English language "to become and rema 
a homogeneous and harmonious people.' 1 

A strong condemnation was delivered against the corruption of cit 

The Populists were largely a coalition of southern racists and an 
urban westerners. The Prohibition Party centers were in the East ■ 

. On the issue of Populism, 

- < icjugar joined with Governor St. John in blocking Miss Willard's 

•■••« 1 he National Committee decided not to send a delegation to the 

i hst convention. Frances Willard and her associates decided to go 

A floor fight developed among the Populists as to whether her dele- 

illon should be seated. Her cause was strongly supported by Terence 

Powderly head of the Knights of Labor, with whom she had been a 

* 1S f°5 ia + t u i( S m £ ny ye f TS - Althou gh Frances Willard's delegation 
I .. seated, the Populists refused to adopt either prohibition or woman 
e planks. As it turned out, the Eastern labor movement also 
Otlved little consideration for their support of Populism. 

giM Willard went to the Prohibition national convention disappointed 

" J ?? 1 .!^ ^ °i d party - Sh€ was warmly received bv the dele- 
• i-s and hailed by the convention chairman, Eli Hitter, as thp firct 

principal of the school. 
Bidwell organized the first group of settlers to cross into California. 

were sixty-nine in the party including the Jesuit priest Father 
'■ Smet, pioneer missionary to the Indians in the Northwest 'tcHwoII 
rong condemnation was delivered against tne corruption ox ci „ working at Suttei , s Mlil when M discoid mdhenkvS 

political machines. They defended the secret ballot and condemned wid ,, ,„, ing part in the formation of th | Bear Flag Rep ubiic P y 

spread election frauds. 

Frances Willard was anxious to merge the Prohibition Party with t 
Populist Party effort. She envisioned one great reform party whic 
would bring about a comprehensively Christian transformation of Amei IIT Illy administering their education and religious life. He explored 
can society She appealed to the National Committee to send a delegate nw.1 of the streams of the Sacramento Valley and gave them most of 
to the Populist convention in the hope that they would incorporate pr li 
hibition and suffrage planks into their platform. Then the two part 
could join behind one candidate. 

uglish names they still bear. 

Muring the Civil War, there was strong Southern sympathy in 
jjjnern California. John Bidwell became a brigadier-general in the state 
jUita, and he played a leading part in the suppression of secessionist 
I iiy in the region. 


In politics, he served in the state legislature, became one of the 
earliest advocates of a transcontinental railroad, and took a leading part 
in founding schools of higher education in California He served one term 
in Congress as chairman of the Agriculture Committee. A man of strong 
Populist views, he polled a quarter of California s votes as the 187 
^-Monopoly candidate for governor. Thereafter, he became identified 
with the Prohibition Party. Already some years before he had torn 
up his vineyards after he saw what wine was doing to his fellow man. 

For vice president, Dr. James B. Cranfill of Texas was chosen A 
frontier doctor, teacher and preacher, he was superintendent of Baptist 
missionarv work on the Texas frontier. He also edited The Baptist 
Standard." A fiery orator, he was the youngest man ever nominated 
for vice president, being not yet thirty-five. 

The party gained little by its Western Populist orientation. Bidwell 
was prevented from active campaigning by a financial cirsis m Cab- 
fornia He was forced to stay at home to save his business. James Cran 
fnl began a tour of the South but was forced' out of active campaigmijg 
bv his health The party was overshadowed by the Populists in tn. 
SuS and West anyway. It was in the Northeast where reform-mindeJ 
voters preferred Prohibitionists to Populists. The Prohibition vote rai 
ahead oTthe Populists in the East by more than 74 000. The Prohibit 
Prudential vote reached the highest point in its history both in number: 
arid in percentage. Bidwell won 271,058 ballots or 2.3% of the nationa 

Local election victories began to pile up in the early years of th 
decade Several seats were captured in state legislatures: one each i 
Vermont Massachusetts (for two terms) Connecticut and Virgin^ plu 
two in Rhode Island. Mayors were elected in New Bedford and Haver 
hill Massachusetts; Ogdensburg, New York; Washington New Jersey 
Norfolk Virginia; 'Nashville, Tennessee; Williamsport Pennsylvania 
Xrinette, Wisconsin; Wellsville, Ohio; and Abion Michigan. In addi 
tion to these there were several hundred lesser offices won. In som 
smaller communities, the entire ticket was elected, aj it was in seve 
Colorado ?o^ns in 1894. Sometimes even these les ^r office-holders foun 
themselves drawing much attention to the party. When a Prohibits 
caudate for coroner was elected in Gibson County, Indiana he foun 
nSfsef in the middle of a celebrated mortality case where liquor wa 

i ic 





^I eaC ^ n 3 ai ^ st the P art y' s drift toward Populism began to harden 
895 1 and 1896. Many felt that the party had become too preoccupied 
li other issues, while the liquor traffic was the paramount problem 
ing the country. "Narrow Gauge" Prohibitionists wanted all who 
•eed on that issue to feel comfortable in the party regardless of how 
iy felt on any other question. "Broad Gauge" Prohibitionists countered 
it voters would not have sufficient faith in a party which spoke on 
y one issue. They needed to see that the Prohibition Party was pre- 
yed to deal with all questions confronting the American people. 

Party newspapers were full of the arguments of the two factions for 

,1,hs before the 1896 convention, which assembled in Pittsburgh on 

llie last day of May. The Resolutions Committee reported a broad plat- 

' As each plank was brought up, it was approved by the convention 

niil.ll the plank calling for free silver was presented. This was defeated. 

Immediately after its defeat, a motion was presented to substitute 

brief, single-issue platform for the one presented by the Resolutions 

I ommittee. The motion was carried, 650-160. Free Silver Prohibitionists 

Walked out of the convention. Meeting at another hall, they drafted a 

platform similar to that of 1892. Free and unlimited coinage of silver 

00 S ratio of sixteen-to-one was also endorsed, plus the income tax, 
liovernment ownership of public utilities, initiative and referendum. They 
'"mlemned contract labor and convict labor systems. 

The group named their faction the National Party, although they 
• • 13 -• known as the Liberty Party in Nebraska and were widely referred 

1 as the Free Silver Prohibition Party. For president, they named 
I liarles E. Bentley, a Nebraska Baptist minister who had been the key 

leader in that state. For vice president, they turned to a member 
'i the platform committee which the convention had repudiated. James 
I Southgate was prominent in North Carolina banking and insurance 
impames. He was president of the state YMCA and president of the 
I'm i iily College board of trustees. Many free silverites among the Pro- 
hibitionists, however, simply went on over to join Bryan's Populist- 
nocratic campaign. The National Party polled only 13,969 votes. 

Meantime, the Prohibition Party proceeded to campaign on a plat- 

'""" of um /sual brevity, speaking only on the issues of prohibition and 

voman suffrage. The platform asserted "that we declare our purpose to 

iirunnize and unite all the friends of prohibition into one party, and in 

i to accomplish this end we deem it but right to leave every Pro- 
hibitionist the freedom of his own convictions upon all other political 
QUI lions . . ." 

For president, the convention chose Joshua Levering as its nominee. 

i -ling was the nation's largest coffee importer-\utside of New York 

nlering his business activity in the port city of Baltimore. He was a 

I (ting officer in the YMCA and the Baltimore YMCA president for 

years. He was also a top officer in the Southern Baptist Convention 

' I i long time, and president of the Southern Baptist Theological Semi- 

I board of trustees. 

His vice presidential running mate was Hale Johnson, a lawyer who 

ItMi led many prohibitory crusades throughout the Midwest. Leverin* 

"I Johnson both travelled extensively during the campaign. But due 


to the disheartening effects of the split, the popular vote was cut in half 
Levering polled 130,617 votes. Many newspapers announced the im^ 
pending death of the Prohibition Party. 

Three weeks after the election, 170 Prohibitionists met in Pough«j 
keepsie, New York. In twelve minutes, they pledged $12,000 to renev 
the party and carry on the fight. 

Meantime, the structure and nature of the Prohibition Party ws 
changing. The ideological split of 1896 had been a prelude of the change 
During the final decade of the nineteenth century, most of the old party 
leaders had passed away. The old leaders had been prophetic in spirit 
declaring what was right regardless of the consequences. They had beer, 
reared in the humanitarian-romanticist traditions of the abolitionist^ 
and tempered by the fires of the Civil War. By the end cf the century 
Neal Dow, Frances Willard, Clinton Fisk, .John Bidwell, John P. St 
John, James Black and many others were gone. 

As they passed from the scene, a younger, tougher breed of meij 
replaced them. Many of them, like Samuel Small, were "Narrow! 
Gaugers" and many who held this view were pragmatic in spirit. Tha 
is they did not hold to the old romantic, prophetic belief that the Pro 
hibition Party could be an instrument of comprehensive social chang 
for Christian justice. 

There were now those in the party who began to question its Chris 
tian emphasis. The party had always stressed its evangelical foundationr 
But in 1902, there was a vigorous debate at the Iowa state conventior 
Many delegates present wanted to disassociate the party from outrigr. 
religious affirmations in order to bring Deists, Jews and other grour. 
into the organization. While this view did not prevail in Iowa, tr 
debate it illicited was widely publicized. 

The pragmatic leaders of the new generation wanted to portray pr 
hibition as a simplistic cure-all, which would make all other problen 
melt away once it was accomplished. As such, they regarded the Pro 
hibition Party as an instrument of a single issue. The new generatio 
was not as willing to stick by a party, "win or lose," in the old propheti 
fashion They were interested in success and they were often wilhn 
to use opportunistic methods. Once their single objective was achieve* 
they would leave the party in droves. They did not understand tha 
their country could never have prohibition or any other Christian refon 
without a party with Christian views and Christian men. The Prohib 
tion Party survived through the work of the few who understood thi 
and carried on when the pragmatists had returned to the major partir 

John B. Finch, in the last speech before he died, spoke the gre 
uncompromising truths of a partisan prophet. 

Today, if I could pass a Prohibition law in the State of 
Massachusetts and I could not put officers in power in sympathy 
with it, I would not pass the law, because people would say that 
the law is a failure, when the failure would not be due to the 
law but to the perjured rascals who swore to enforce the law and 
did not. The naked sword of justice in the hands of a determined 
party is the only instrument that will bring the desired results . . . 

There were many among the pragmatic new leaders who could n 
see that it was better to do without moral reform than to achieve a Is 
which would be made a farce by parties of the old politics. Franc 


Hard had coined the phrase "New Politics" to describe what the 

' n G. WooHey trying t0 d °- TypiCal ° f the 0ther view ™! 

Woolley began a promising career as a lawyer. He served as city 

Homey of Pans, Illinois, and was elected prosecuting attorney of Min- 

.pohs. However, his career was ruined by drinkin| and he became a 

hopeless alcoholic until converted by some Christian friends. Thereafter 

' **»** active m the Prohibition Party. He became famous as an 

Ptttor, the most famous in the later prohibition movement. He spoke 

Ml the latfonn Engllsh - s P eakin g city of the world during his career 

I.. 1899, the Voice was purchased from Funk and Wagnalls. John 

illey merged it with another paper in Chicago and launched The New 

Vole© as its editor. But despite the highest honors which the party could 

he rejoined the major parties at the opportune time. The new non- 

ll i .-..-in Anti-Saloon League was heavily financed by the great financiers 

Hose chief purpose was divorce the temperance movement from other 

H forme which sought economic justice. Woolley acted as keynote speaker 

ii u U at their nauonal convention. In his address, he declared- "The 

• ronibition Party was like a fire bell. It awoke the people. They are up 

' ? g *I? s *. ch a case there are two thin g s t0 d °. ring the bell more 
• PJJt Out the fire. I am for putting out the fire, whatever becomes of 

in short, the Prohibition Party was a temporary, pragmatic in- 

rummt of pressure on the major parties, to be discarded at the expedi- 

•n moment. This is not to say that all "Narrow Gaugers" were pragma- 

Ihere have always been many loyalists of that school of thought 

thfl party. Nor were all members of the new generation pragmatic 

' any means. But many were both "Narrow Gauge" and pragmatic. 

The new national chairman of 1900 was only thirty-one years old 

IV party began to stir under younger leadership. In Indiana, the party 

nble to maintain a full-time organizer-evangelist in each Congres- 

' ( J'^ict. As their candidate for governor, they recruited a leading 
l)( tiNtrialist, Charles Eckhart. In Kentucky, John D. White was won 
I We party, a two-term Congressman. Another convert was L C Hughes 

ii I territorial governor of Arizona. 

State conventions were also rousing occasions in many states The convention drew nearly six hundred delegates that year The 

le speaker was the president of Taylor University, T. C Reade 

U«n prominent on the convention program was Charles M. Fillmore 

Mi ind his brother, J. H. Fillmore, were the composers of many hymns 

•I...-I. may be seen in any church hymnal today. Both were active in 

,M m y - J ; H ' ™more ls particularly well-known fo* "I Am Resolved" 

ho I ■rauliful Garden of Prayer," and the chorus, "I Will Sing of the 

I the Lord Forever." Besides their many^hymns, these brothers 

niany of the stirring songs of the Prohibition Party campaigns 

i ook of these was published at the turn of the century. ' 

nother poet .and song-writer for the cause was William G Brooks 

.), Maine. He wrote the song, "The Saloon Has Got to Go" along 

llh many others. He was a poet and musical composer of considerable 

Ith. He wrote marches which were used all over the country by 

," i .j 1 ?- 113 ? zlip Sousa ' <<Gover nor Burleigh's March" and 

Airy were examples. He wrote comic folk songs like "Barney 

Hi ome Back to Me" and "De Water in de Ribber Might Be Wet" He 


composed many programs for special church holidays and his hymn! 
appeared in at least fifteen hymnal editions. 

The national convention of 1900 met in Chicago. There were 73 
delegates from thirty-seven states, besides several thousand visitors 
Although the platform was the longest one yet, it dealt with only on 
issue. The "Narrow Gaugers" were definitely in control. 

A particularly strong issue was the army canteen, the selling 
liquor at army installations. Although Congress outlawed liquor at army 
bases lying in dry areas, this had been disregarded by government direc 
tives The Spanish-American War had intensified the issue, for now Pro- 
hibitionists felt that the country had a new obligation to set a goo 
example for the people of its new overseas possessions In fact, th 
party maintained that excessive drinking had been accelerated by th 
arrival of Americans in such places as Cuba, Puerto Rico and the Philip 
pines The issue was raised in that platform in a particularly bitte 
attack on President McKinley and his cabinet. The platform was als 
anti-imperialistic in tone. 

A spirited contest developed over the presidential nomination. Joh 
G Woolley was opposed by Silas C. Swallow. Dr Swallow was one o 
the old-style prophetic Prohibitionists. Puritanical to the extreme, h 
condemned tobacco, swearing and amusements in a most fiery style. S 
warm was his support of the Union during the Civil War that n 
Pennsylvania parishioners padlocked the church doors He served a 
editor of the Pennsylvania Methodist and was superintendent oi thei 
book rooms. Later, he edited the the Church Forum. 

In 1897 he published an expose of the notorious Quay RepublJ 
can machine of Pennsylvania. He was tried for libel and acquitted Tl 
following year he ran for State Treasurer on the Prohibition ticke 
calling fV honesty in state finances He polled 118,000 votes and ca 
ried eleven counties. Two years later, he garnered 132,9-31 votes f< 

"Broad Gaugers" rallied around Swallow and "Narrow Gauger 
backed Woolley. Single-issue men had already prevailed m the platfon 
but the vote was close. Woolley won over Swallow, 3«0-d2U. 

The vice presidential choice was Henry B. Metcalf, a famous Rhoi 
Island manufacturer and banker. Metcalf had been president for fr 
years of the national conventions of the Universal^ Church He serv 
as president of the Tufts College board of trustees Before being fore 
out of the Republican Party on the issue of prohibitory enforcemei 
he had served a term in the Rhode Island state Senate. 

Woolley opened the campaign with a tour of the Pacific coast. Thi 
he ioined Metcalf in a whistlestop campaign by special train Beginnu 
in the Dakotas and Nebraska, the train route went to Boston, back 
Minnesota and southward into Tennessee. The train reached eight 
fifteen cities per day beginning on September 19 and continuing un 
the November^ elections. Woolley delivered nearly 500 addresses ai 
travelled 23,000 miles. No presidential candidate up to that time h 
travelled so extensively during a campaign. Woolley even exceed 
Bryan's record of four years before. 

Woolley and Metcalf polled a vote of 209,469 (1.5%) thus restoiS 
much of the support lost in the split of 1896. Within two months af 
the election the party received $25,000 to carry on new campaigns in « 


following years. Congress also responded to the pressure by outlawing 
mo army canteen once again. 

The party was further electrified by events in Maine. Cumberland 
' OUnty was the most populous county in the state. There were over one 
hundred islands in Casco Bay, which made it a rum-runners' paradise 
> WO Boston firms paid the Republican sheriffs department a dollar for 
h barrel of liquor landed. There were 277 holders of federal liquor 
' I receipts in Portland. Yet the federal government made no effort 

10 .'..operate m the enforcement of state laws. Everyone pointed to Cum- 
DWlaitd County as a prime example of the unenforceability of prohibition. 

Rev. Samuel F Pearson served the poor of Portland in his Gospel 
" m - ?1 saw what the liquor traffic was doing to his people in open 
iloriance of law. Neither major party would cooperate with him to change 
Hi.- situation, so he organized an active Prohibition Party. 

By 1900, his campaign began to get strong response. Three-term 

;' o an T a l d / r ^ an ' Zenas Th «nipson, and spirited Democratic orator, 

7" ?' J V ^ cAlllster > joined Pearson's fight to be elected sheriff of 

•erland County. An open-air meeting in the city of Westbrook drew 

many of the leading citizens that the city board of aldermen was 

1 1 liable to hold its regular sessions for lack of a quorum A spirited 
■ •■ -ling was held in suburban Yarmouth's Masonic Hall. That town was 

rned by a clear majority over the combined vote of the two major 
es ' 0n election eve, a rally was held in Portland City Hall audi- 
torium, one of the largest meeting places at that time. The auditorium 
packed with many left standing. When the votes were counted ' 
- on had a comfortable plurality. His total was 6,425, more votes than 
HJ I rohibitionist had ever polled in Maine, even in statewide contests. 

On his first day in office alone, Sheriff Pearson seized sixty-one 
•Minor outlets. The local tax burden had grown considerably and the 

nty was in debt. At the end of Pearson's first year in office 40% 

II the pauper fund was turned back to the county, the debt was' paid, 
i nere was a surplus in the treasury. Business surveys revealed an 

■ ;,se m spending in all sorts of commodities. Even hotels found busi- 

I letter without liquor. In spite of an attempt to bribe Pearson to the 

of $35,000, nearly everyone agreed that he had dried up the county 

n many drinkers testified that they were better off. 

Samuel Pearson died before his term expired and he was succeeded 

I mon S. Bisbee of Brunswick. In 1902, the party spearheaded an effort 

ipture the sheriffs offices across the state. They struck at the very 

o1 ' the enforcement problem and sent out a ripple of reform activity 

I'oks the state even in the major parties. Prohibitionists received un- 
I 1 1 ally great support from the churches of the state to elect their candi- 
1 Ht'S for sheriff. « 

In Cumberland County, Almon Bisbee wagecLa vigorous campaign 

"Ction in his own right. His campaign had the style and personnel 

11)00 all over again. He polled 5,102 votes in 1902, but the Democratic 

Idate was elected. Elsewhere in such counties as Piscataquis, the 

• ' vote for sheriff was also large. In Androscoggin County, the Re- 

iiibllcan Party joined the Prohibitionists in supporting John L. Cum- 

, who was elected. In Portland, the Democrats and Prohibitionists 

•I to elect Oakley C. Curtis to the state legislature. In both races, 

nntest was close and the Prohibition votes were crucial. Oakley 

went on as a Democrat to have a long political career in the legis- 

"-, as mayor of Portland, and governor of Maine. 


Nor was he the only political! to use the Prohibition Party as 
launching pad for greater things. The party's candidate f ?L| 0Ve ^ n °^n' 
1894 was Ira G. Hersey. Soon after the campaigns of 1900 and 190, 
Hersey became a Republican legislator and served a term as state Senat 
president He went on to be a judge and a Congressman from Maine fo 
ten years Many of the principal figures of the Maine campaigns r* 
garded the Prohibition Party as a temporary, pragmatic instrument 
pressure on the old parties of the old politics. 

In 1901, the National Committee started a successful new progra 
of local organization. There were local groups called Prohibition Al»* 
ances. When formed, they agreed to meet once a month and their nui 
bers were urged to purchase shares in the party work of five cents p 
share per month. The money raised was divided among local, stal 
and national organizations. The national office provided materials an< 
programs. Within three years, more than 1,800 Prohibition Alhanci 
were formed throughout the country. 

Another organization of the period was the Young People's Prohib 
tion League. While it was chiefly confined to a few cities in New Yor 
New Jerfey and Pennsylvania, it enlisted many of the young to the pan 
and held many street meetings. There were various other types of log 
associations which promoted party work. For instance there was tl 
Prohibition Union of Christian Men in Rochester, New York. Its leade 
Clinton N. Howard, delivered 1,200 addresses for the cause in Rochest 
over a twenty-five-year period. 

The Intercollegiate Prohibition Association nearly fell apart after tl 
split in 1896. But at the turn of the century, the National Committ 
encouraged its revitalization. Known on local college campuses as Proh 
bition Leagues, the Intercollegiate Prohibition Association was a traimi 
ground for most of the party's new leaders. At its height, there we 
Prohibiten Leagues on nearly 400 campuses and it was the nations secot 
largest organization of college students, exceeded in size only by ti 
college department of the YMCA and YWCA, 

The Association pushed for courses in alcoholic studies, and by 19 
there were more than one hundred colleges which had made such cours 
a regular part of their curriculums. In addition, it maintained the nation 
most extensive system of oratorical contests. The organization supph 
many of the party's volunteer workers during summer vacations. In M 
twenty-four students devoted the summer to the Ohio campaign alor 
The chief officers of the Intercollegiate Prohibition Association were 
ways party members. However, in pragmatic fashion, much of its energi 
were devoted to non-partisan prohibitory crusades. By 1919, it was i 
ganizing chapters in European universities. 

The 1904 national convention gathered at Indianapolis. This time 
"Broad Gaugers" were in command. Silas C. Swallow was nominated 
president by acclamation. His vice presidential partner was George 

George Carroll owned extensive timber lands around Beaumo 
Texas He was prominent in the operation of rice mills. As president of I 
Yellow Pine Oil Company, he pioneered in drilling for oil and saw] 
become a major Texas industry. He was a philanthropist, particularly 
Baylor University, and had been elected as an alderman of BeaumonJ 
Among the issues endorsed by the platform were initiative and rej 
endum, an omni-partisan tariff commission, popular election of Unf" 


I ites Senators, and others previously advocated in the older platforms 

in Swallow campaigned actively around the country. His vote nearly 

Hiulled the record of 1892. Swallow and Carroll polled 258,205 votes 

I In Ir campaign buttons had proclaimed that the "Swallows will sins 

• urrolls." b 

'I 'he period saw a revival in local victories as well. In Venango Coun- 
ivnnsylvania, a new method called the Venango Plan began to bear 

Th Venango Plan urged the voter to sign a pledge to vote for any 

' Inhibition candidate who got a majority of voters to make such a pledge 

II .i majority of the voters would not make such a pledge, then those who 
hud Mgned were released from it. It was pragmatic in nature for the em- 
|ilmnis was placed on voting Prohibition only if they could win. The older 
I»'"- V lic generation had stressed voting for the Prohibition Party on 

Iple regardless of any prospects for victory or defeat. 

A system similar to the Venango Plan was first used with success 
in Lhe Pearson campaign of 1900. In 1901, a sheriff was elected in Venango 

"I.V by this method along with several local officials. In 1904, there 

pre 205 local officials elected in Venango County, and 167 in thirteen 
i counties the following February. In 1905, the Venango Plan was used 
1 wego County, New York, and forty-two Prohibitionists were elected. 

In Illinois, there were legislative gains. National chairman, Oliver 

iiewart, won a seat from the Hyde Park district of Chicago in 1902. 

lion the legislature was receiving party nominations for United States 

or, he drew widespread attention by delivering a passionate speech 

l packed gallery for John G. Woolley as the Prohibition nominee. In 
»" i and 1906, there were three Prohibitionists elected to the Illinois 
1 i I, i In re. One of those elected in 1904 represented the city of Peoria. 
ther was re-elected and served two terms during these years. 

The Illinois party organization was greatly aided when it formed the 

>ln Temperance Chautauqua System. Each summer, a series of six- 

.Inv meetings were held with two meetings per day. A variety of speakers 

■ i '-rilertainment was provided. It served a double purpose of building 
hi party and helping non-partisan local option campaigns. It was suc- 

■ 1 1 1 1 in both respects. Over one hundred communities were reached 

• it'h season for several years. Eventually, the idea was taken over by 

cartisan groups and done on a national scale. 

The 1906 elections saw one Prohibitionist legislator elected in each of 

states : West Virginia, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Connecticut and 

lull da. Some of these also had support from other minor parties or in- 

ili'l«'iident groups. Of course, there were many other legislators elected 

Willi the nomination of the Prohibition Party and the nomination of a 

Mlujor party. 

The Illinois candidate for State Treasurer carried* five counties and 

ncond in several others in 1906. The party continued to attract dis- 

llnjuiished people into its state organizations. In Georgia, Walter B. Hill, 

|tri<iil<lcnt of the Georgia Bar Association and chancellor of the Univer- 

•'II v of Georgia, was won to the party. 

The most notable victories of the period came in Minnesota, for it was 
llii'ic I hat the party was able to sustain its power over a longer period. 

Mining in 1904, college men of the Intercollegiate Prohibition Associa- 

11,111 went to work to elect legislators. In that first try there were no 

However, there was a large party vote and two hair-thin misses. 

"n niK), thirty-two college men worked in the field and the vote rose to 


32 000. There were three victories, plus a sheriff elected in Kandiyoh 

Fifty college men worked on the 1908 campaign and the legislativ 
vote rose to 53,000. Three men were elected to the legislature again and 
the sheriff was re-elected. In addition, Miss Marie Lovsness was electe 
county superintendent of schools and other local office-seekers won I: 
1910 there were five legislative victories including one Senate seat. Ill 
sheriff won a third term and Miss Lovsness was also re-elected. By 1914 
the number of legislators had risen to seven. 

The crowning example of opportunism in a pragmatic age came wheil 
John G Woollev left the party and The New Voice collapsed. A new pape 
was launched as the chief party organ in 1907, The National Prohibitionist 
The paper enjoyed a circulation of about 200,000. A Chicago lawyer fo: 
a whiskey trust concocted a libel suit against the editor of the new paper 
Then he ordered the legal machinery of Cook County to prosecute th 
case So flimsey was the evidence that the jury took less than five minute 
to return an acquittal. Later, the same lawyer for the whiskey trus 
played a leading part in securing Warren G. Harding's nomination fo 
the presidency. 



Columbus, Ohio, was the site of the 1908 convention. There were 
1,128 delegates. Among them was Carry A. Nation, whose "hatchetation" 

' already made her live up to her name. Also present was the dogged 

impaigner of Great Britain's Prohibition Party, Mr. Scrymgeour In 
22, he became the only man to defeat the anti-prohibition Winston 
1 liurchill in the "wet" city of Dundee, Scotland. Scrymgeour was the 
Hiily partisan Prohibitionist so elected in Britain. 

It was decided to publish a platform which would be brief enough 
10 | >rint on a post card and to encourage people to read it. Although it 
contained but 321 words, it was comprehensive in nature. Besides the 
Ulder issues, the platform called for graduated income and inheritance 

,. postal savings banks, federal insurance of bank deposits, stricter 

on prostitution, uniform marriage and divorce laws, employer lia- 

Im lily laws .court review of Post Office Department decisions, prohibition 

< I Child labor, English literacy tests for voting, conservation of natural 

I ources, and construction of better highways and waterways. 

A choir of 150 voices, directed by hymnologist Charles M. Fillmore 
\vtv.i one of the musical features of the convention. Walter Wellman' 

ous Arctic explorer turned reporter, covered the convention. He made 

m port which is now often used in praise of the calibre of the men who 
I'M I the party. The convention was "impressive in its love for humanity " 
Hid the delegates were "the only purely unselfish actors in the national 
political arena." There were "no spoils of office to give them zeal" Yet 
In- confessed, "One cannot help liking these old-fashioned people these 
|i«'n])le fighting for principle." 

There were nine candidates for the presidential nomination The 
y favorite up to the time of balloting was William P. Palmore of 

II isouri. An officer in the Confederate army during the Civil War he 
ttfid become a prominent Methodist clergyman. He was editor of 'the 
It, Louis Christian Advocate and prominent in several world ecumenical 

(inferences. Interested in mission work, he had travelled all over the 

-rid. taking a leading part in the formation of Collegio Palmore in 

co and Palmore Institute in Japan. He was president of the board of 

Urators for Central College for Women. Palmore founded a society for 

called the Order of New Century Knighthood. He was honored as 

M plain of the Missouri Senate and served as chaplain of the Missouri 

tOte penitentiary. While he did not necessarily regard the clientele of the 

WO institutions as synonymous, he did feel that the Prohibition Party 

I he best kind of politics. 

It took three ballots to choose the presidential nominee. In the early 
I rids, Palmore led and nearly obtained a majority. But on the third 
[Allot, a "dark horse" emerged in the person of>Eugene W. Chafin of 
' I iconsin. He had been active in many temperance activities as presi- 
Itnl of the state Epworth League, a high official in the Good Templars 
inci upermtendent of the Washingtonian Home for inebriates in Chicago! 
had written several successful histories such as Lives of the Presidents 
IJid Washington as a Statesman. Best known, however, was Lincoln, the 
Mun <if Sorrow. 

ci i, -j Tin was a strong believer in action on the local level. He was 
i' lent for three terms of his county Agricultural Society. He was 


elected to a wide variety of local offices from police magistrate to thd 
school board. To him, prohibition was only "one per cent legislation and 
ninety-nine per cent enforcement." In Chafin, the party found a vigorou' 
opponent of the drift toward pragmatism. 

The non-partisan temperance movement was placing too much er 
phasis on law without enforcement machinery. (Jhafin's largest salvol 
were leveled at the Anti-Saloon League. The League was endorsing any 
candidate for office who would vote correctly on the single issue ot pro" 
hibition, irregardiess of their views on other issues 01 Cnristian socia 
justice. Their highly paid speakers were even exploiting Southern racist 
Prohibition was being presented as another way of keeping the Negi 
in his place. Chafin declared angrily, "We have got to kill the Antfl 
Saloon League and then lick the Republican and Democratic parties.' 

When the Eighteenth Amendment was adopted, Chafin lay on hij 
death bed Friends who had worked with him for a lifetime in the caus J 
gathered around him to celebrate. But Chafin shook his head. He pr<: 
dieted that the Volstead Act would prove in the end to be a bi-partisa 
conspiracy to discredit the legitimate temperance movement by non-ei 
forcement of a law which the major parties really opposed. Before h 
died he prophesied to them than the Eighteenth Amendment would b4 
repealed in fifteen years and that the efforts of a century would havj 
to be done all over again. As it turned out, it took only thirteen years. 1 

Chafin's vice presidential running mate was Aaron S. Watkins. 
Methodist minister and, like Chafin, a lawyer, Watkins was also a prd 
fessor and officer of Ohio Northern University for many years. Later, h 
served as president of Asbury College in Kentucky. 

Both Chafin and Watkins campaigned actively in twenty-eight statej 
The vote declined slightly to 253,231. 

After the election, the party received a good deal of publicity frd 
debates The best known one began when the mayor of Milwaukee dd 
livered an attack on the party and threw down the gauntlet for a debatt 
Samuel Dickie accepted the challenge and three debates were scheduled 
But the first two were such an unequal contest that the mayor decline 1 
to appear in the third. The arguments were widely circulated in bocj 

The party set up the Associated Prohibition Press, a bureau whic 
sent out a constant stream of press releases, not only of the party but ( 
non-partisan compaigns as well. Another active auxiliary to party wot 
was the Woman's Prohibition Club of America. In 1909, thirty pari 
members joined some 300 delegates from other countries at London 
form the International Prohibition Confederation, later called the Wor^ 
Prohibition Federation. 

Between presidential elections, mayors were elected in Fairmoi 
West Virginia, and Cortland, New York. The party elected one member 
the Illinois legislature, besides the Minnesota victories noted previous!, 
There were also many local officials elected around the country. Amor 
the gubernatorial candidates was Andrew Jackson Houston of Texas, sd 
of the famous Sam Houston. 

Delegates from forty-two states convened on the Steel Pier, Atlan^ 
City New Jersey, in 1912. Among the convention officers was C 
Fenton editor of the Times of Logansport, Indiana. Clinton Howard, t 
Little Giant" from Rochester, New York, was the keynote orator. 


i\ lirr | d t h ^°° dele § ates to sh0 "t an "Amen" with his speech depicting 

he Prohibition Party as the true Progressive party of that election h! 

wondered how Roosevelt could talk about voting y theft, when he "'had 

jtalen the Panama Canal Zone. Howard went on to Ust the bte-dty 

Wcfnr^t °t Wer % baCking Roosevelt > characterizing one of them as^the 
vice protector and promoter of Pittsburgh". 

.woP^L^ 2 d face + . the A same khld °* insurgent unrest which was 
..weeping the other parties. A spirited struggle developed over the post 
Of national chairman. The incumbent, CharTes R. Jones of Illinois was 
Hiallenged by insurgent champion, W. G. Calderwood of Minnesota A 

wa^choTem "" "^ When **** G " R ™ haW of P * rtland ' Oregon^ 

i ^ bl t e ! b ?* con }P r , eh ensive, 425-word platform was drafted. Interna- 

niritHf^' 1011 , ° f f SpUt % S appeared « = before - Recal * was added to 
Cc Z L*£ re * erendum - , To the Previous stand on the postal system 
\ Za t Qd the a ? vocac y of rur al ^livery and parcel post. The platform 
|. a led I for a single presidential term of six years. Besides its usual con- 

crvation plank the party further called on the government to hold on to 
Ills mineral, timber, and water sites. If used, they should be leased for 

cvenue. Rev. S. H. Taft of California proposed that the party change Vts 

ame to Conservation Party. But there was so much opposition expressed 
| hat a vote was not taken. expressed 

For the first time in the party's history, the candidates of the pre- 
vious election were renominated. Eugene Chafin and Aaron Watkins had 
|ot stopped campaigning in 1908. They had been speaking actively for 
lour years. However, both had opposition for renomination. Chafin had 
■our opponents, but won on the first ballot. When Andrew J Houston 
•ne of them stood before the convention to withdraw, he drew cheers 
Irhen he declared that he would rather have the lowest vote at a Pro- 
libition convention than the highest vote at either convention of the 
r> a3 onents " WaS als0 renominat ed on the first ballot over two 

During fourteen weeks of the 1912 campaign, Chafin made 538 

leeches, averaging better than five per day. There were also vigorous 

leal campaigns. Dr. Ivan D. Mishoff, a Bulgarian Orthodox immigrant, 

lin for mayor of Milwaukee, polling 1,200 votes in active campaigning 

■he Missouri candidate for governor had been elected mayor of Dexter 

■issoun three times and was the founding editor of the cnVs two news-' 

l^ rS K-?? m A ' Polin # waged an extensive campaign by automobile 
H nis bid for governor of Ohio, 

Dr. Poling, then a young party leader, went on to edit the Christian 

V"?£ nl m . any J e ? rs ' He served as honorary life, president of the 
iorlds Christian Endeavor, in recognition of "his many years of service 

lu ■D°x SaniZ ? t S n - He aIso served as President. cf the General Synod 
the Reformed Church in America, and was author of twenty-six books 
■e was a chaplain and war correspondent in World War I In later 
fcars, he was chaplain of the Inter-Faith Shrine in Philadelphia a 
Icrnonal to his son and three other chaplains who voluntarily went down 
lith the Dorchester" in World War II that others might have their 
I aces on the lifeboats. 

In spite of the strong 1912 effort of the national ticket and the pres- 

Kr/onfooD ° f S ' the V0te continued to decline. Chafin and Watkins 
|)lled 207,828 votes. 


The National Committee set up its most ambitious program yet seen, 
after the 1912 election. It proposed raising one million dollars Jay the 
close of the 1916 campaign. By 1914, they had raised $250 000 and th 
state organizations had raised a similar amount. Secondly the committei 
was to concentrate on not more than ten Congressional districts in 191-1 
for the purpose of winning. By 1916 they planned to have five millioi 
voters enrolled in the party. 

In the 1914 race for United States Senator in Arizona, Eugene W| 
Chafin ran second. In Oregon's second Congressional district, a Prohibi 
tionist ran a close second and nearly won in a three-way race, polling 
more than a third of the vote. 

Party activity had been growing for several years in Oregon. Thi 
United States Senatorial candidate had made more than 250 speeches 
There were nearly 1,000 volunteer workers, and more than 500,000 piece 
of literature were distributed. Twenty of thirty-four counties were or 
ganized. In six counties, special efforts were made and 25% of the vot< 
was captured. Several local and county candidates were elected and 
legislative candidate missed election by only fourteen votes. 

The number of registered Prohibitionists increased eight times ov 
bv 1914. This time, one legislative candidate won election. But tner 
were even more near-wins. Six legislative candidates and two for sheri. 
Tame very close to victory. The candidate for State Treasurer polle 
70,000 votes. 

In New York, the American Party joined a coalition with the Proh 
bitionists to elect William Sulzer governor. Sulzer, who had former 
served as governor, polled 126,270 votes. In Minnesota, there were J 
seven legislative victories already noted. In Gloucester County Ne 
Jersev nine local candidates won. In Pennsylvania's Twenty-eighth Col 
gressfonal district, the Prohibition candidate fell 3,000 votes short - 
election. Valentine A. Schreiber, Prohibition mayor of East Liverpo< 
Ohio, also ran a strong Congressional race. 

In Los Angeles, Prohibitionists won their biggest victory by electij 
Charles H Randall to Congress. Randall had been a journalist for max 
vears A Nebraska native, he began as editor of The Observer of Kimba 
Nebraska Thereafter, he edited several weekly newspapers. Moving 
Los Angeles, he edited Highland Park's California Herald for many yea 
Affiliating with the Prohibition Party, he served on the Municipal Pa 
Commission and served a term in the lower house of the California leg 
lature He served on the Los Angeles city council for ten years, part 
the time as president. He was supported in 1914 by the Prohibition a 
Democratic parties for Congress. 

A group of forty college students from the Intercollegiate Prohibit! 
Association spent their summer vacation canvassing door-to-door Th 
enrolled almost 20,000 voters for the party. Randalls vote was 27 500. J 
went on to serve two more terms in the United States House of Repi 
sentatives. In his final two terms, he had the endorsement of the I 
nublican Progressive, Democratic and Prohibition parties. While in Cc 
gress he sponsored a number of the leading laws for the restriction of t 
liquor traffic, including the rider which created war-time prohibiti 
However, he voted against American entry into the war. 

As the 1916 campaign approached, the Anti-Saloon League beg 
to endorse far stronger temperance measures than previously. The Leaj 
had generally supported the Republican Party, but now Prohibition: 


•re given more prominent positions in this and other temperance or- 
■ iiuzations of a non-partisan nature. Party members were important in 

Committee of Sixty on National Prohibition, which was so important 

ffl pressuring Congress and the various party platform committees Par- 
ris were also numerous among the speakers of the Flying Squadron 
I \menca, formed to barnstorm the country with fiery orations to build 
roots support for national prohibition. 

The Flying Squadron was headed by J. Frank Hanly, former gov- 

',"""' °* In d iana - Hanl Y began as a teacher and lawyer. He rose through 

1110 ranks of the Republican Party as a state Senator and Congressman 

I- -one term. During his single term as governor of Indiana, he promoted 

irlous reforms, particularly temperance legislation. Although a popular 

i)te-getter,he was barred by law from succeeding himself. The Republi- 

ns were defeated in the next election with the liquor traffic as the 

i ilef issue. Thereafter, his party ostracized him and he adhered to the 

i i ..I u bitionists. He founded and edited the National Enquirer. He was 

ll o editor of the Indianapolis Daily Commercial. He was famous for his 

h, I Hate It,' an eloquent attack on the liquor traffic which has 

"Urn been quoted. 

'Hie Prohibition national convention of 1916 was held in St Paul 

llnnesota. Daniel Poling delivered the keynote address, "Save America 

ind Serve the World." The three presidential candidates were all former 

mors: Sulzer of New York, Foss of Massachusetts, and Hanly of 
ndlana. J. Frank Hanly was the first-ballot winner. 

To balance the ticket, a Southern Democratic convert was named for 
president. Ira Landrith was editor of The Cumberland Presbyterian 

J Nashville, Tennessee, and moderator of his church's General Assembly 

i pi many years, he headed the Tennessee YMCA and had been president 
the International YMCA Convention. Among other honors, he was 
I i man of the Committee of 100 which brought reform to the Nash- 

1118 city government, general secretary of the Religious Education 
Delation, editor afield and extension secretary of the Christian En- 

" ivor, an officer in the Anti-Saloon League, and president of Ward 

«mmary and Bellmont College. 

In contrast to the previous two platforms, the one in 1916 was the 
ist ever. It called on the four million women then voting to reward 
1110 party which had always championed their cause. 

II condemned militarism and "the wasteful military program" of the 

D major parties. The party called for a World Court to settle inter- 

illonal disputes, "maintained as to give its decrees binding force" While 

v did wish military protection of a strictly defensive nature, they 

for international disarmament agreements. Profiteering and fraud 

1 1 tary manufacturing were condemned. In peacetime, the army should 

Med m conservation projects and highway construction. An inland 

way from Florida to Maine was particularly Suggested. 
The platform pointed out that the Monroe Doctrine was not only a 
lege but a responsibility. Conquest and exploitation were condemned 

'ularly in Mexico, although the general principle of the Monroe 

me was upheld. 

The platform called for the independence of the Philippines as soon 

■y had been properly prepared. Reciprocal trade agreements were 

hm'II ically called for. Several proposals were made to strengthen our mer- 

narine, including government subsidies for mail and other services. 


In Civil Service, they urged closer watch of demotions and remova 
by a non-partisan commission. The merit system should be extended 
postmasters, revenue collectors and marshals. Government employe 
should also have tenure and a retirement and disability system. 

To the usual labor benefits were added the endorsement of , 
eight-hour working day and sanitary working conditions. Another plai 
called for a system of old-age pensions and unemployment insuran< 
For the farmer, the party urged government ownership of grain elevate 
and other marketing facilities. Furthermore, a federal inspection syste 
under Civil Service should be set up to prevent manipulations and spec 
lations on the market price of farm products by private business grou] 
The cooperative movement was also endorsed. Government ownership 
public utilities or "natural monopolies" was urged. 

The platform urged that the itemized veto on appropriation bi 
should be granted as a power of the President. "Pork barrel" legislati 
was condemned. Declaring America to be "the land of all peoples ai 
belongs not to any one," the party called for federal action for settlu 
immigrants in vocations and situations which would best acclimate the 
to their new land. The platform concluded by accusing the two ma] 
parties of being in reality a single "Conservative party." 

immigrants in voccuums «uu bw«i«««> ■▼.««*■» *•«- — ~ — -- — 
to their new land. The platform concluded by accusing the two ma] 
parties of being in reality a single "Conservative party." The Prohibiti 
Party declared itself to be the only true representative of the Progressi 

From the St. John campaign until the death of Frances Willard, t 
' WCTU had always endorsed the Prohibition Party. After M 
Willard passed from the scene, the WCTU became non-partisan I 


widely promoted by such temperance leaders as William Jennings 
in and Welch s Grape Juice became a national drink. Dr Welch was 
rd six times as village president of Westfield, New York. 

Hy 1918, the party's national chairman reported that he had "ad- 

Mirncd politics," working for the election of ' : dry" legislators regardless 

' party. Special state editions of the party's paper, Patriot Phalanx, 

to one million homes in twelve states where there were ratification 

for prohibition. All sorts of other methods of pressure politics were 

I Daniel Poling headed the United Committee for War Temperance 

l vities which carried on temperance education in the Army and Navy 

I .■■i.ilrttiomsts were even active in an unsuccessful effort to get the maior 

| INles to pledge prohibition enforcement in their 1920 platforms. 

Lincoln, Nebraska, was the site of the 1920 Prohibition convention. 

I '-fusal of the major parties to promise enforcement of the Eighteenth 

■".. j»ii ment gave the party added impetus. For many years, the party's 

mbol had been the white rose. As early as 1912, a dromedary camel 

used on party campaign pins. At the 1920 convention, the bactrian 

' - humped) camel was selected to stress the party's "dry" traditions 

-•actrian camel was the animal best suited to lead America through 

01 v and thirsty land. s 

urom me ©i. iiuuii t*uu±ra*E" ""*" ■*"* «™*: . . « — ' 
National WCTU had always endorsed the Prohibition Party. 
Willard passed from the scene, the WCTU became non-p 
pragmatic under the influence of the Anti-Saloon League. In 191b, tn 
i^w with this nolifv brief lv and again endorsed the Prohibition tick 

broke with this policy briefly and again endorsed 

Another aid to the party was the ability to finance a special campai 
train once again. Beginning in Chicago, the whistlestop went to the i 
cific coast, from there to the Atlantic and back to Chicago again. It cc 
ered nearly 20,000 miles in thirty-four states. Hanly and Landrith h 
from five to fifteen meetings per day in this manner. 

It was a pragmatic campaign, however, centering on the succesl 
state referendums for prohibitory amendments. The party was 

renaums ior pruuiuibuxjr d«reuuiijvi*w, -*«. **—»./ - — 

used once again by the candidates as a pressure on the major parties , , tunonal amendment to pern Cong 

gain legislation on a single issue. A party vote and a party for comp , R . s by a simpIe ma j ority of both hous * s 

honcivp Christian change was de-emphasized. 

hensive Christian change was de-emphasized. 

The party was on the ballot in forty-four states. However, there 
only a slight increase in the returns. Hanly and Landrith polled 221, 
votes. In five states alone, the state tickets ran ahead of the natio. 
vote by 183,000. 

the party candidate for governor, was 

for United States Senator polled 78,426 votes. 

In New York, Dr. C. E. Welch was the candidate for governor. We 
originally a New Jersey dentist, had tried to persuade his Methodist c 
ference to stop serving wine for communion. He developed a grape jl 
which was free of bacteria. Promoting it in the churches for sacrameiL 
purposes, he soon developed a family business. Moving to New York,! 
greatly expanded the sale of Welch's Grape Juice through exhibitions! 
the world fairs and a national advertising campaign. (The girls in | 
ads said: "My lips only touch lips that touch Welch's.") His discos 

convention's presiding officer was Miss Marie C. Brehm, the first 
inan to hold such a position in American history. A major figure in 
' woman suffrage movement, she had been superintendent of the fran- 
I department of the National WCTU, the largest organization work- 
er woman suffrage. She had also served as president of the Equal 
H. age Association of Illinois. Miss Brehm was President Wilson's dele- 
■ to the World's Anti- Alcohol Convention in Milan, Italy, in spite of 
long affiliation with the Prohibition Party as a candidate for state- 
w i«iV offices. 

I lie platform called for an immediate ratification of the peace treaty 
"!'• it did not object to "reasonable reservations," the United States 

urged to join the League of Nations. "The time is past when the 
Ittd States can hold aloof from the affairs of the world. Such a course 
■l".rl-sighted and only invites disaster." The party further called for 
■■•■:;! ltutional amendment to permit Congressional ratification of peace 

late supervision of parochial schools was urged to insure an equal 
mm!ty of education and that such education be in the English lan<mage 
T\w program of the National League of Women Voters was incorporated 
Hiully into the platform: setting up a Children's Bureau, a federal pro- 
mi. for maternity and infant care, a federal department of education 

In Florida the Prohibition Party scored a big victory. Sidney J. Ca li federal aid for teachers' salaries and literacy programs, citizenship 

nartv candidate for governor, was elected. The Minnesota candid Mining ot youths and immigrants, home economics vocational training, 

bilnral supervision of the marketing and distributidfV of food, a Woman's 

"inm of the Department of Labor to improve working conditions of 

Btn, appointment of women to mediation boards, a joint federal and 

lr rmployment service, sex education in the schools and a campaign 

venereal disease. 

Industrial courts were called for as a means of settling labor disputes 

pledged to eliminate excessive profiteering and "all unnecessary 

Udlemen." Those involved in interstate commerce would be prevented 

B practices which amounted to extortion, such as tying contracts 




(forcing an unwanted article upon the buyer as a condition for purchase 
a desired article). Such corporations would he required to reveal fl 
difference between actual cost and the price. There were the u«" 
pledges to the farmer as well. 

The platform included a plank on presidential qualification, T. ,,,^7^ ^ ^Z^iZ^t^ ik^TL^ It S2? 
party stafed that unwritten V^^^^ 1 ^^^^ ' ' ""• unprecedented in American histoR? it ™s a^rendwhich w^ul! 
£E*t?3 S^MSdSS-SS onXded'fJnhefrTarty 1 '"" "^^ * oht - with ™-S P-ssure down to the present day. 

"crying evil of the day." Prohibitionists . 
"never sold its birthright for a mess of pottage." 

For president, the delegates returned to a party regular Aaron 
tkins D Leigh Colvin was named as vice presidential candidate. J 
had been president for sixteen years of the Intercollegiate Prohibit! 
Association He was an officer in almost every temperance orgamzati 

i ...i _u „„~.-,,~, otifl Vic» wflc nnp or trip. 

igular, Aaron 
■ ' ite. 1 
on the" W national and world scene, and he was one "of the most wide 
travelled men in the party. 

He had spoken at more than 400 European and American collej 
and universities. Both he and his wife, Mamie W. Colvin, held docto 
degrees from Columbia University. Mrs. Colvin was for many years pre 
ident of the National WCTU and a member of the Women's Adviso 
CoSmrttee of the United States Army. Both she and her husband serv 
tiS^arty a .candidates over many years of campaigning. Dr Colvin wr 
^history of the Prohibition Party which has been the party's standa 
source of information ever since. 

Bv 1920 the opportunists who had never understood the full visj , 
of the party' were deserting the cause in droves. State organizations w , 
5J2?JS8J oe ™ a «v leaders regarded the party's objectives comple , 

I he two parties wanted to make sure that there would never again 

i an outpouring of humanitarian reform comparable to that of the 

ogressive Era. From then on, they could be in the comfortable position 

i |i .unmg hands in a conspiracy of silence on the issues that really 

mattered. The technique was to create ballot laws which were so strin- 

• hi that a dissenting group would have to expend all of its resources 
•l. i. uning a place on the ballot, and have nothing left with which to 

unpaign. By 1924, the Prohibition Party could only obtain returns from 
1 teen states. 

\n that year, the national convention met in early June at Columbus 
'Most of the pragmatists were gone, but there were some delegates 

• I >«» had come to the convention for the purpose of voting the party 
"il of existence. However, those of the prophetic tradition prevailed. 

For the first time in many years, the platform specifically proclaimed 

liristianity as the guide to its principles. It soundly condemned the cor- 

■"in>n and "moral bankruptcy' 5 of the Harding-Coolidge administration 

9 leapot Dome scandal was attacked in a plank on conservation. Con- 

'i was expressed about unassimilated immigrants. The rest of the 

I form read much the same as it had four years before. 

oi tne party w«e uraauug ««. v«. — ~ -- —-- - 

disintegrating as many leaders regarded the P«2- -----. ^ „ w 14iMW , „ « lilc ab lb Jiau Iour years Delore- 

•elv because there were laws on the books. The result was mat _ ■. 

rv was on the ballot in only twenty-five states compared with for 1 Neri J»J. n p - Faris was named as presidential candidate. Faris was 

in the previous campaign. ' ''''^ Missouri businessman who was an officer and the manager 


™»rtv~was on the ballot in only twemy-nve states iomi«icu »•«» **a *" A ;T" x ' **** B . Wtt ° " ameu as presidential canoiaate. raris was a 

four in the previous campaign. "' g r i^S?S U " ^fssinan who was an officer and the manager of 

Watkins and Colvin campaigned extensively from «*£« I'^^STS-SSS -a ^^S^^'S^ ^^^ 
^K^ ! KW-^? 1 He times commando? of th^Le^al 

Unmher of states permitting returns. Watkins and Colvin received 195, 

votes Two women seeking seats in the United States Senate also adj { Mane C. Brehm was honored with a second distinction for woman- 
to party laurels. Mrs. Ella A. P~ 
159,477 votes in New York, whil 

es Two women seeking seats in tne uniieu owtw^wa -.*-««« «-j — ~ — —- «. ™ 7«»« W1U1 * secuua uistincuon ior woman- 

nartv laurels Mrs Ella A. Boole, National WCTU president, pol hnmI. She was nominated for vice president and became the first woman 

477 votes in New York, while Mrs. Leah Cobb Marion polled 132, ' ■ • her name placed on official ballots for nation-wide office. There 

Mill been a couple of token candidates for president in the previous cen- 

votes in Pennsylvaina. 

ut their activities had been either eccentric or ineffectual in terms 
■ l votes. Miss Brehm was the first woman to be nominated by a serious 
and the first to receive recordable votes. Faris and Brehm polled 

!) votes. 

In 1926, the Prohibition Party was supported by a coalition of other 
Imivh and temperance groups to defeat a *Svet" Republican, Senator 
ji i Mrs W. Wadsworth, Jr. Enough votes were polled to cause his defeat. 
Hi' -'iiLered the lower house in Congress several years later, where he 
l-nsored the first peacetime draft, the Burke-Wadsworth Act of 1940 
m-law, Stuart Symington, has served in the Senate for many years 
tic I ;i grandson is also serving in Congress. 

The darkest, loneliest days of the Prohibition Party lay in the vears 

' In 1928, fear of Roman Catholicism and a "wet" victory swept 

li the Protestant churches. To many, Herbert Hoover and the 

N-ljiiMican pledge to support prohibition made the choice clear enough, 

I Smith as the Democratic nominee. There was nothing unusual 


about northern Protestants reacting in this way. Most of them had be 
buying the Republican line for generations. What was unusual was th 
Prohibition leaders also panicked. 

Ever since the Eighteenth Amendment and the Volstead Act, tho 
who had remained in the Prohibition Party had maintained that all 
the reforms of the Progressive Era would be lost if the two-party syste 
of the old politics continued to be perpetuated. Laws on the books wit 
out the moral fiber to enforce them would ultimately result in failui 
Now, even these loyalists were stampeded by the specter of Al Smith. 

One man among them stood virtually alone. William F. Varn 
wanted to carry on if the rest did not, and so they let him. Varney h 
been a long-time party regular who had directed the election victor 
of 1914 in Gloucester County, New Jersey. He had been a success: 
business manager in the textile industry of New Jersey and New Yoi 
He was manager of Wright, Veith and Newman, making pillow snai 
and scarfs. Later, he managed Stahli, Reitmann and Company, maki 
curtains and novelties. 

The quadrennial convention gathered in Chicago in 1928. Many de 
gates wanted to endorse Herbert Hoover and there was a heated deba 
However, a liberal platform was drafted and William F. Varney v* 
nominated for president. The California delegation refused to support 
national ticket and Herbert Hoover's name was carried at the head oi 1 
Prohibition ticket in California. 

The regular vice presidential candidate was James A. Edgerton. I 
gerton was a poet and philosopher who had written eleven books, 
was president of the National, and later, the International New Thou* 
Alliance. In his early career, he had edited several local and cour 
newspapers on the Nebraska frontier. He served as state chairman 
the Populist Party, as secretary of the party's national committee, i 
as the party's nominee for clerk of the United States House of Repress" 

Edgerton went on to a long record of government service. He 
secretary of the Nebraska State Labor Bureau. Movmg into fed 
service, he was purchasing agent for the Post Office Department. Dui 
World War I, he was a member of the War Industries Board. Thereat 
he was federal prohibition enforcement director for New Jersey. 

Varney and Edgerton had to campaign virtually alone. Even 
national chairman and much of the party's regular organization did 
assist them. They were able to secure a place on the ballot in only 
states receiving 20,106 votes. The Hoover Prohibition ticket polled anot 
14 394 votes in California. In Pennsylvania, 14,866 voters cast a Prohibit 
ticket only to find that their leaders had left the box for presiden 
electors blank. Thus while the showing appeared to be disastrous 
vote totals compared favorably with previous returns in the states wh 
the party was on the ballot. 

The enactment of prohibition nearly caused the death of the I 
hibition Party. Repeal of prohibition brought it back to life again. 
1932 many "drys" were feeling once more that the major parties 
betrayed them. The vote for state candidates was pushed to record lev 
Had circumstances been different, the support might have been transla 
into a large presidential vote as well. 

In California, Miss M. L. Hutchins polled 152,000 votes for Secret 


itate in 1930, Dr. Hutchins, who began as a teacher, was one of the 
i .nrering women to enter the field of medicine in frontier days. Cali- 
fornia Republicans in 1932 nominated a "wet" for the United States 
pnate. The majority of the state's rank-and-file Republicans rallied be- 
hind the Prohibition Senatorial candidate, Robert F. Schuler. Schuler was 
I widely-known Methodist clergyman of Los Angeles and editor of one 
Di that church's leading periodicals. Schuler ran second in the election, 
[Killing 560,088 votes. He set the all-time record as a Prohibition vote- 
lOtter. "Dry" Democrat William Gibbs McAdoo was elected and the 
I ^publican candidate ran a poor third. 

In Pennsylvania, Gifford Pinchot had received much attention dur- 
in earlier term as Republican governor. During his first term (1923- 
27), he had courageously exposed the Republican administration in 
I hington when it licensed breweries in Pennsylvania which the state 
were trying to suppress. In 1930, he sought to make a come-back 
i eking the Prohibition primary nomination as well as that of his own 
He won both nominations for governor. Pennsylvania Prohibi- 
ts delivered 31,909 votes in a very close race. Their support proved 
i" be crucial in electing Pinchot as governor. His vigorous policies in 
fighting the Great Depression are still remembered by Pennsylvania's 
ninny "Pinchot roads," 

Pinchot, educated in European forestry methods, was America's first 

professionally trained forester. He had been in charge of the National 

it Service, responsible for Theodore Roosevelt's conservation program. 

H| had been a member of the National Forest Commission and the 

Wand Waterways Commission. He served as chairman of the National 

servation Commission and as president of the National Conservation 

ii iciation. 

By 1931, Pennsylvania's Prohibition Party had become a factor once 

lain in state politics. In a special election for United States Senator, 

\TS Mabel D. Pennock captured 143,000 ballots. The regular candidate 

boiled 106,597 votes for the office the following year. He was Dr. Edward 

i Pithian, a businessman with 1,700 employees." The 1932 California and 

sylvania Senatorial totals alone pushed the party vote far beyond 

previous showings, not to mention the increased vote in so many 

Plhcr states. 

Prohibitionists gathered for their national convention of 1932 in 
Indianapolis. There was hope that the growing disillusionment of "drys" 
BUld be translated into a large presidential vote. They met after the two 
major parties, both of which endorsed resubmission of prohibition. 

The platform which was drafted was very similar to that of 1928 

"Hii the addition of several proposals to alleviate the Great Depression. 

ii proposed that the federal government buy state ancf municipal bonds. 

B the depths of the Depression, these governments were facing heavy 

rises, yet they found it difficult to market bonds 1 . The party proposed 

i the federal government buy these bonds and use them as collateral 

Issue more currency, which was also in short supply. 

As other methods of dealing with the crisis, they proposed the crea- 
tor) of an economic council, federal regulation of the stock exchanges 
ind hoards of trade, minimum wage and maximum hour laws, tariff 
Pi i ions, insurance of bank deposits, relief and unemployment insurance, 
i in. a more honest assessment of industrial properties for taxation. In 
■" mi ulture, they endorsed an equalization fee. They called for judicial 


reforms such as curbing the powers of injunction. Strict federal censoi 
shioS movies was called for. Representation in legislative bodies shod 
be anpoS°oned on the number of citizens, not merely on census figur 
whi^Sdude aliens. Public ownership of public utilities was endorse 

There was widespread dissatisfaction with the national . chairma 
Dr Cofvfn due to his lack of support for the nations ticket m the prJ 
vious election The convention did not, however, wish to undermine sod 
ddkate negotiations which he had been carrying on for some time wi 
Senator William E. Borah of Idaho. The hope was that Borah wou| 
ronsent to be the party's presidential nominee. He was willing if d 
afTected groups coukl be enlisted from the major parties The ; conven| 
nominated him by acclamation. A committee was elected to talk with hi J 
Stly by teTephone. But he would not accept or decline the nommatioj 

The convention decided to name candidates pigged to withdrd 

four Sms as Democratic Congressman from Georgia, noted especia 
for his championing the cause of organized labor during these lean yea 
or unions'^ also served as a member of the Scandinavian Commer| 
Commission. He left his party when it became clear that it was i 
supporting prohibition in 1928. 

For vice president, Frank S. Regan was named. Regan editor 
The Taxpayer; had been a Lyceum c^ 1 ^™^ 
illustrated lectures with rapid crayon work and served on the Chautauc 

lative questions. 

Senator Borah kept the party on the ( str ing , fox r « l long time 
*• „i j Q „; C mn wn« to decline the nomination, lne uncertain Ly gie« 

the top vote-getter m eacn state i ' andidate in Ohio alone pol 

TOOO and the Wia ^ndfdate f or Congressman-at-large received! 
other 16,000 votes. This was in addition to the turnout in California | 

Pennsylvania as noted above. 



Shortly after the election of 1932, a new national chairman assumed 
M party s leadership in the person of Edward Blake. The National Pro- 

'"omst was again launched in March of 1933. The paper, published in 

I nicago, printed several exposes on the corruption and gangsters in the 
ily. It soon attracted a broad base of local support for the party. 

When 325 delegates met in December at the Cook County Prohibition 
Onvention, forty-four of the city's fifty wards had been organized, as 
Oil as nine of the county's outlying towns. Crime and municipal cor- 
uption were the key issues enunciated. Jewish voters and some Roman 

' .ii holies were recruited in ward caucuses. One ward chairman was an 
-born, reformed barmaid. But the party's strongest support came 

[Tom Negro wards. Rev. Lewis G. Jordan, a nationally-known evangelist 

AS particularly active. Another important figure over many years of 

II ty activity was Mrs. Ida B. Thompson. Mrs. Thompson was the widow 

i B pioneering Negro judge and a teacher in her own right at several 

Ncjjro schools of higher education. 

The Chicago campaigns produced some of the most colorful coali- 

llons m the party's history. John Harper was a native of Scotland's Ork- 

Islands and sold tailor supplies to members of that trade around 

Hie country. A. W. Fairbanks was a printer and a resident of Hull House 

i 'i Newton G. Thomas was dean of Illinois University's Dental School. 

Illinois state activity began to revive also. County conventions were 
Mid all over the state with increased attendance. Party leaders around 
'hr country began to note that half of the delegates at state and local 

mentions were new members. In West Virginia, 70% of the delegates at 

lie state convention were new-comers. In a series of meetings in Ken- 
fcUCky, William Upshaw drew between one and two thousand listeners 
I mm- day. The Pennsylvania state chairman reported automobile mileage 
Ii "'11,777 miles for the year ending July, 1933. 

As it became clearer that the Twenty-first Amendment would be 
■Opted, there was a feeling of betrayal. Those "drys" who were not 
i Minted began to renounce their old party ties. Several newspapermen 
IW printers were won to the party in various states. C. J. Millington, 
Municipal judge of Cadillac, Michigan, endorsed the party. So did Miss 

Done Kearney, Mississippi state Senator and a leader in national Demo- 

'' ilk: women's activities. 

Religious groups also began to endorse the party. The Idaho-Oregon 
rene Assembly and the Oregon Society of Friends specifically en- 

d th e party. The president of the Unitarian Fellowship for Social 

1 I Lice joined in party activities. Other groups endofsed the idea of a 
party, although they would not mention the Prohibition Party by 
• This was the case with the National WCTUVnd the Central New 
I Turk Methodist Conference. 

The party was also encouraged by the many distinguished members 

' vesteryear, such as Charles M. Sheldon. As editor-in-chief of the 

I Imstian Herald, he had been an associate of Daniel Poling who later 

vded him in that capacity. The party's new chaiman, Edward Blake, 

i also an old associate. Sheldon was the author of more than thirty 

mules and editor of a dozen more, including All Over Forty which he 

itlupled for a motion picture. 


Sheldon received much attention by accepting the challenge of thj 
Toneka Capita? to run the newspaper for a week without liquor adverj 
S He was a smashing success. But his greatest achievement was a. 
IfiQfi novel In His Steps. Revised twice in the 1920 s, it was the bigge 

was the Prohibition Party. 

Party leaders began to feel that a change of name would better SU] 

,^i° 4 y, Jl7 Tn ronnprticut the Independent Republican Part; 

? group of prominent New York citizens had formed the Law Preser 
tion Party and were seeking to join forces. 

The Prohibition Party in New York agreed to merge underthena 

MasSusetts flatly rejected the Commonwealth proposal. 

The Dlatforms of 1934 were full of the usual new ideas. The Virgu 

abohtion of a? mun itions manufacturing by private firms. 

Oklahoma called for consolidation of county and local ggvermneiJ 
Thev endowed the program of the Farmer's Union, and held that sa 
They ena^rsea me p | ^referable to the property tax on farms., 

S«ilflriv active in promoting the one per cent limit on all taxes. Illir 
PronibUionists saw solutions for the Depression in suspension of mortgd 
*£$S£ER promotion of public works and the city manager form] 
government to eliminate the costs of graft. 

Fven prior to the general state elections of 1934, there were signs 
strength in oca Selections. In Gettysburg, Ohio a mayor and three ■ c0 
celorf were elected giving the Prohibition Party control of the { 
Three other officials were elected there, plus two near-wins. 

The fall elections revealed that 244,597 voters had supported 
candidate running at the top of the ballot in sixteen states. 176,27fl 


these votes came from California. The total of the highest vote-setter in 
-Kh state was 487 840 votes, of which 396,852 came frSm LliioJS M(5 
V *S f St % me fr T Ma * sac husetts, Pennsylvania and New Ybrk New 

*mJ£ £?53S 22 CUd ^^ ** V-ey rece^d 

It was, however, in Michigan where the deepest impression wnnlH 

bt made in relation to a change f name. The olfpart^had C^n con^ 

trolled by more liberal Easterners belonging to mfiStreaS ST 

^nominations The new party was far more In orSStaTof ^dwest 

;"! fundamentalists who belonged to splinter denominations These «££ 

h«d been in the party since the earliest days, but had n^evi^d^n 

ble to dominate the party as they now could. Therefore, it wasAmcM- 

where any name-change would have to prove itself. The CoiIln- 

-alth Party, however, met with disaster at the polls. Rank anoVme 

Efi^ "S.T2* Peri ° dS h3d SUPP ° rted liberal l^deTshi began 
demonstrate that they were going to rule the party now in a more 

ndamentalist style. The Prohibition vote in 1932 had been 2,31k 

M4 the Commonwealth vote dropped to 800. Nor did it even hold at 

" :; low ! eV ?i-. In s P ite of determined Commonwealth campaigns the vote 

popped to 433 in 1936 and to 242 in 1938. By 1940, th pTtyTad lost the 
fcft^ r br ? ad f r ; based leadership had alienated ?he Prohu- 

| 1 .!.omsts while faihng to deliver any new group of voters to the move- 

The dilemma of a name change had been dramatized. Groups which 

.|«1 they would support a party with a different name had been un- 

■urcesrful in producing large crowds at meetings or a large turn out at 

he polls Most people who said that they did^not like the Prohibition 

, *l USt Wer l ?? mterested in voting for any minor party anyway On 

I..' other hand, the party did not have the resources to sell a new name 

hose who were party regulars. Many Prohibitionists of the p^ophe^c 

iradition were suspicious of any change as a sign of softaeL whne 

Dthers simply were not informed of it Many, whin taking therr' ballot 

;::,Thfni heir old , p .i rty ™ me there > <**& a**™* that if wS 

■one. The party enjoyed the support at the polls of many who never 

any direct contact with the organized effort. A good example was 

;l |-rt Benchley, dramatic critic for Life magazine and the New Yorker 

I..; witty author of five best-sellers, he starred in several comedy roles 

KrMn^t? OV14 S" ? XCep J *° r a brief time m his y° uth he took no 

D was not until after his death that the party would discover that he 
Ud been one of its supporters at the polls. 

The controversy over a name change continued on into the 1936 

, )al ^- Midngan remained loyal to the Commonwealth name and 

mho also adopted it after twenty years of partisan inactivity therein 

• •■.... party regulars were defeated by one vote with most delegates 

m S& i co t mm i ttee was c !™ s e* to negotiate aNinion with the Com- 

jwmvealth Party. However, the Prohibition name was kept after the 

I •Ifllberations were complete. * 

The Prohibition national convention was held at Niagara Falls Now 

-'• with about 200 delegates from twenty-five stataf^^tfaS 

uttee reported favorably on changing the national name to Common 

i S-?, P ^° P ^ Sal was defeated ^d the entire platform report was 

.»«, Will D Martin was the Resolutions chairman. He was manager 

Hasbrouck Heights (New Jersey) Building operated by thaTtowfs 


Savings and Loan Association. He had also been a local o«ice-holde 
SLa term as president of the Hasbrouck Heights Board of Educa 
Uon M^ defended the comprehensive platform wift l fair race. 
The" final version of the platform was not much different from that o 
1932 However, it did not call for government ownership of public utih 
ties and other strongly socialistic planks of earlier years. Its currenc 
nlank was slightly more moderate but with much the same wording 
^mimlwlSd Fascism in the United States were condemned. Reforr 
rfX^^q^ated^out-moded system of judicial procedure" wa 
^ed for The Colorado state platform had endorsed the Townsend Plai 
but this was not adopted in the national platform. 

A highlight of the convention was a National Youth Dinner and th 
l ai ,nthtal of a party youth organization. The convention also paid specia 
Xutfto the passing of Father George Zurcher, long the key Roman 
Catholic leader in thl party. Father John Kubacki, Indiana delegate, le 
in the eulogies. 

The convention chairman was Harold C. Mason, president of Hun 
^^ton CollSae He had also served as dean of Adrian College and was 
SsW in the UnLd Brethren Church. The deliberations received wi 
kh&w" Npwsreels with sound were taken for theaters across th 
SKto Whertheco^vention nominated Dr. D. Leigh Colvin for pres 
dS£ Ms addresses were broadcast nation-wide over radio. 

Sereeant Alvin York, World War I hero lionized in book and fill 
fnr his SSturfof an incredible number of German machine gunners w 
nested for vice president. He ultimately declined the honor and w 
nominated tor v ce P re ^ A Michigan native , Watson had been ge 

era\ maiagePofFo^ Drfve Trttor Company. Moving to California, 1 
betm^n! of the foremost lawyers in Los Angeles, conducting ; the rad 
Lr^enUtled "Weekly Open Forum." He was district superintendent 
the Free Methodist Church for twelve years and secretary of the Fr 
Methodist Publishing House. 

Prohibitionists were cheered by victories in Venango County Pew 

had polled 25% of the vote county-wide (5,41d). 

TnlviTi and Watson waged the most extensive campaigns that 
D arty had se^n in sixteen fears. Dr. Colvin travelled 27,000 miles, m 
than any other presidential candidate running that year. But the res 
were most disappointing. Dr. Colvin, the foremost advocate of a na 
changed the party, probably suffered at the hands of party regula 
Meantime the Commonwealth idea was not producing results. Colv 
vcftfufMichigan was only 579, and the new name made little impress 
on Maine votfrs either (334 votes). In returns from twenty-five sta 
Colvin and Watson polled 37,847 votes. 

The foUowing year, the party entered the gubernatorial races 
Virginia and New Jersey. In Virginia, James A. Edgerton campaign 
IS the poll Sx as a requirement for voting. In both states, the cj 
Sdates attacked political influence in the state parole systems. In 
1938 campaign, Michigan's Commonwealth Party rejected the Towns* 
Recovery Plan by a narrow margin. 


The regular mid-term elections attracted some impressive candi- 

Oklahoma's candidate for governor had been a missionary to India 

[01 thirteen years. Their Senatorial candidate was P. C. Nelson, author 

i .cveral textbooks for Bible courses in higher education. Michigan's 

"iM-rnatonal candidate was an Armenian nationalist driven from his 

.Mttve land by the Turks. In Kansas, C. Floyd Hester, president of Mil- 

i "i i vales Wesleyan College, ran for governor. 

One of the candidates for state-wide office in Georgia won 10% of 
LM vote. The party had many enthusiastic meetings around the country. 
One of those active in organizing the work was Rev. Sam Morris of 
I- as, nationally-known radio comentator (Voice of Temperance). On 
•■•plember 1 and 2 of 1939, Prohibitionists gathered near Farewell Hall 
W Observe the party's seventieth anniversary. Roger W. Babson took this 
BOCasion to make his dramatic announcement, broadcast over one of 
UM national radio networks. He declared that he was ioining the Pro- 
hibition Party. 

Roger W. Babson began in 1903 with Babson's Reports. He became 
Uie pioneer in economic forecasting through a system of statistical analy- 

it made him immensely wealthy, particularly after he was the only 
mi.. j or economist to predict the 1929 Crash accurately. During World War 
I. Babson had served as Director of General Information and Education 
1 "i the government. 

He wrote thirty-seven books in the business field alone, plus religious 
II mI political works. He was an officer in several large businesses, in- 
lUOing United Stores Corporation. He served a term as national modera- 
i of the Congregational Christian Church. He was chairman of the 
ll vity Research Foundation which gave a good deal of money to col- 
lie science programs around the country. 

Babson founded three business schools: Babson Institute in Massa- 
chusetts, Webber College for women in Florida, and Midwest Institute 
Kansas. Through his Business Statistics Organization at Babson Park, 
.ichusetts, with branches all over the world, he gave out his infor- 
ii i in lion on stock and business prospects in syndicated newspaper columns 
Piroughout the continent. But he always refused to advise clients to in- 
I i in the liquor industry, no matter how well the statistics indicated 
Hrt prospects. 

Mr. Babson was impressed by the fact that the party had used the 
rord prohibition as a broad-based philosophy, not just something aimed 
i the liquor traffic. He urged that the attacks on the liquor industry be 
iriluced in proportion to other evils in society. 

One of the things he felt should be prohibited was political influ- 

over the schools. He reasoned that athletics were being over-em- 

i i mi zed, and that scholastic standards were being lowered to graduate 

pupils. He charged that firms selling school -Supplies were exerting 

undue pressure. He also opposed consolidation and bussing. 

Another issue which Babson stressed often was limited franchise 

■It that voting should be restricted to those who were qualified 

I Roger W. Babson, the party had found a leader who was far more 

rmiservative than any had been up to that time. Under his influence, 

platforms, beginning with that of his own state of Florida, aban- 

Inned the specific, radical social reforms of the past. Platforms became 

Pore vague and platitudinous. The trend began to de-emphasize the 


liquor traffic as well. The Florida platform used the word 'liquor" or 
once in listing ten commercialized evils to be prohibited. Illinois wa 
one of the few states to adopt a broader platform. Along with the usua 
planks, the convention called for the outlawing of any political pa"* 
which acted as an agent of any foreign government. 

By the time of the national convention in Chicago (May, 194Q_ 
Babson was firmly in control. The platform, while implying support fo 
the social issues of the past, was far less specific. Lewd literature, blocl 
booking of indecent movies, and deceptive radio broadcasting were amon 
the evils to be prohibited. Equitable immigration and tariff policies wer 
among the economic programs advocated. The platform called for a spir, 
itual reawakening and a coalition of church people behmd the New Prd 
hibition Party. The newness was stressed throughout the campaign. 

Party regulars were not wholly pleased with the platform. An effod 

was made to endorse the Townsend Plan and to adopt the old moneta^ 
plank. But these efforts were unsuccessful. The party chose instead 
present itself as a conservative alternative. The "me-tooism" of Willi 
had made both major parties equally liberal and this was stressed by ■ 
Prohibition candidates. 

To no one's suprise, Roger W. Babson was nominated for presider 
His nomination elicited a very enthusiastic demonstration at the coj 
vention, which moved Babson to tears for the first time in his life 
public " For vice president, the delegates also named a new-comer ■ 
long-time Babson associate. Edgar V. Moorman was president of Moorr 
Manufacturing Company, the largest firm in Quincy, Illinois. His pla 
was a food processing industry. Around Quincy, Moorman owned lar 
farms and experimental stations. He employed 400 workers and 2,00 
salesmen around the country. He required that each worker be a men 
ber of some church, and for many years he had been the chief bac^ 
of Dr. E. Stanley Jones' mission in India. 

Babson made two major campaign tours, one into the South 
the other across the country to California. He travelled a total of 10,00 
miles in thirty states. Everywhere he went, he was greeted by mayor; 
Chambers of Commerce, and civic groups at lavish banquets. Leadir 
churches invited him in as they had not done for a Prohibition Candida 
in decades. Newspaper and radio interviews were made available 
him on every hand. He received a number of honorary degrees duriD 
college engagements. It was a triumphal tour in honor of a retiring meri 
ber of the business community. Moorman also appeared at some maj^ 
campaign functions, especially in the Midwest. 

Babson and Moorman received some support in the college con 
munity. A group of Williams College students worked for the tick 
with particular interest. Dr. Ganfield, former president of Carroll Collee 
and W L. Jessup, president of San Jose Bible College, were active su| 
porters. The. Kansas candidate for United States Senator was William ■ 
McConn, president of Marion College. 

There were many radio broadcasts in the Babson campaign, includiij 
one nation-wide address over the Columbia Network. But while he wf 
reaching many distinguished audiences, he was winning few of thd 
votes. They were only listening respectfully without really responds 
and he knew it. He noted that the chief concerns of those he met we 
the ominous events of World War II, not the need for moral rearmame 
at home. Yet he continued to emphasize that America's real hope 1 


I jpiritual vision and moral strength. He predicted that even if Germany 

Kd Japan were completely destroyed, they would still rise to be our 

• COnomic competitors m the post-war world because of the moral purpose 

t?TI ? f cou F se ' he regarded their present leadership as entirely 

«.!?!?%. but he pressed that America would only win the economic race 

in. them in the postwar world by a spiritual reawakening. Many neo- 

i <• told him they agreed with him 100%, and then they would add that 

Ihey would not vote for him in spite of it. 

While he failed to persuade his new audiences, he also suffered at 

ie hands of party stalwarts who did not like his de-emphasis of the 

'Minor question and his conservative social views. Babson suggested that 

he party s coverage of issues be broadened in its newspaper and that 

aLSST* 5? m ^ be &P&*- He advocated that the party name be 

■ l..-.nged to the Church Party, while Moorman suggested His Kingdom 

Irty as a suitable name. On one occasion during the campaign, party 

traders at a particular meeting were so cool toward Babson that he 

ranted a hall across the street. When it came his turn to speak, he then 

Hiv.led all those who were supporting him to follow him over to the 

"l her hall. 

Babson and Moorman won 5&,492 votes in thirty-six states. However, 

light of these states were reporting only a scattering of write-ins. The 

tte tickets polled 454,418 votes. Most of the discrepancy with the na 

1 vote came from California, Kansas, Massachusetts and Pennsvl- 

IDUL Charles H. Randall polled 22% of the vote as a CaliforrJa^on- 

•H'ssional candidate in his old district. The Michigan vote tripled after 

return to the Prohibition label. 

i J* 1 * ?J eC , ti0 ^. waj L not without its eccentricities. In a Jewish precinct 

few York Qty, Rabbi Nathan Wolf was the only voter who went 

e t POl l S - ? e ^ V ° ted f0r Babson and Moorman, giving them the only 

precinct which they carried in the country. In Missouri 8 the Pronation 

■M.lidate for the legislature was a clergyman actually named Santa 

• laus. Rev. Santa Claus received twenty-two votes. 

The following year, the National Committee recommended that the 
nwet national convention consider a change in party name. They also 
.Imded for the first time that national conventions be held the yea? 
More the president^ election. This would facilitate meeting the in- 
mgly difficult ballot laws. This tradition of meeting a full year 
Di fore the presidential elections has continued down to th! present day 

The year 1941 saw a rather unusual honor given to a Prohibitionist 

A vacancy occurred in the United States Senat! from Texas SevS of 

fxas most colorful politicians entered a special election to fm the va- 

I l ! E&Si r ™ g Sam Morris, Martin Dies, Lyndon B.Johnson and "Pappy" 

inieL Governor O'Damel sought to appoint some neutral figure to 

u a a a f f W m 2 nths U S tiJ the s P ecial election -oculd fill the vacancy 
II.- decided to undercut Sam Morris' hope to use 4 a Senate seat Ts a 
......Kboard for a third-party presidential bid in conjunction with the 

I nhibition Party. At the same time, O'Daniel hoped to win with "dry" 

Prnb7hftL a ^ C \ nt f AndreW J " Houston » s °n of Sam Houston arid 
i .ohibition candidate for governor on two occasions. At eighty-seven 
rew J. Houston was the oldest man ever to enter the Senlte for the 

m The^lecW egy W °™ ^^^ ^^^ CaptUred the Senate 

Michigan Prohibitionists continued to gain strength as the 1942 



paign approached. Frederic S. Goodrich, former president of Albion Col 
lege ran for governor, Andrew Asikainen waged a vigorous Congres 
sional fight. Asikainen was manager of Lansing Machining Company 
involved in war production. Earlier, Asikanen had patented an invention 
for playgroud equipment and had operated his own production plant j 
this field In the election, one county official was elected in Barry County 
Michigan on the Prohibition ticket. Three more local officials wer 
elected in Miltonvale, Kansas. 

The Michigan platform adopted a broad program of social re f°rnl 
urging that social concerns not be neglected in spite of the war. The 
urged the continuation of civil liberties in wartime. They did not mention 
the Japanese by name, but called for "avoidance of injustice to loyal alien 
and citizens of foreign descent. . ." Heavy taxes on war profits were ac 
vocated. The widespread sale of cigarettes to the young in violation * 
state law was condemned. 

The Arizona candidate for governor had been chairman of the stat 
Board of Control and Commission of State Institutions He was also 
teacher of radio Bible courses. The Massachusetts candidate for Sta 
Treasurer was Martha E. Geer. Her husband, Philip W. C. Geer, was a?* 
prominent in many party activities. 

Geer began as an editor and publisher of several local papers 
Oregon After working as a feature writer for the New York Evenm 
Mail, he became a lecturer for the New York Academy of Sciences an 
the Audubon Society. A noted zoologist, he was particularly noted for h 
studies of the Arabian horse. He became famous for his animal soum 
under the stage name of Will Cary. He produced the first cricket chirp 
and night sounds ever to be used in Broadway plays. He made the bp 
animal and insect sounds for the famous play, Our Town. In additio 
he played five of the different character roles in the play, performed 
America and England. Philip Geer appeared as Will Cary in many pla; 
movies and radio programs. 

The Geers and other party leaders were involved in an exciti 
struggle to save the Massachusetts party from infiltration in 1942. Willi- 
H ^Masters, chairman of the National Pension Committee, set out 
get control of the state convention and secure the gubernatorial nomin 
tion McMasters conducted his own caucuses, but the credentials coi 
mittee refused to seat his delegates. Thereupon, they held their own co 
vention and two Prohibition slates were named. The state Ballot L?- 
Commission ruled in favor of the regular party orgamzation, however. 



Delegates gathering in Indianapolis for the national convention in 
•mber of 1943 were cheered by the news that three Prohibitionists 
Id just been elected to local offices in Cherrytree Township Pennsyl- 
mia. Owmg to wartime travel restrictions, only 226 delegates were able 
10 come. Indiana had seventy delegates, each with a half vote. Twenty- 
en states and the District of Columbia were represented. The National 
fOUth Prohibition Committee continued to show vigor. There were 233 
• if them present. 

The question of a change in name was brought up. William Varney 
•i-livered a strong address in favor of a change, but he received little 
M'l'ort. No action was taken and the matter was not seriously con- 
"I'-red again for many years. 

The platform was longer and more specific once again. Concern was 

pressed for the growing power of the executive branch during war- 

'•i.ic. Court review of the decisions of governmental departments was 

II tod for More criticism, not less, was called for in wartime, and the form pledged protection of diminishing states' rights. At the same 

lime, it called for an end to racial discrimination. 

The party urged a one per cent limit on all state property taxes 

■ ■■lied for the extension of Social Security to cover everyone and sug- 

ted several measures to prevent labor racketeering. It further advo- 

ed government programs for a smoother transition to a peace-time 

my, such as job training. They endorsed membership in a world 

Delation such as the United Nations, but opposed any post-war rnili- 

iry alliances. 

Several states came to the convention pledged to Roger W. Babson 
■lule others had been instructed to vote for Claude A. Watson When 
m indicated that he was not interested in the nomination, the anti- 
Uulson forces supported Sam Morris of Texas. 

Watson won the nomination for president, 131-31. Sam Morris was 

mm. .mated for vice president, but declined. Watson then offered to with- 

if Morris would agree to run for president. Again Morris de- 

d - The convention thereupon named Floyd C. Carrier of Maryland 

|J vice president, with 130^ votes to 17^ votes for Andrew Johnson of 
K i'ii lucky. 

Carrier was general secretary of the American Temperance Society 

e Seventh Day Adventists. Later, Carrier was disabled by a lung 

e and forced to withdraw. Andrew Johnson was named in his 

Dace. Johnson was a Methodist evangelist and a widely-known lecturer 

■M various subjects. -\ 

Indiana named a strong state ticket, with Carl W. Thompson for 
1 States Senator. Thompson had been Randolf County prosecuting 
jUernoy and Winchester mayor and city judge. The candidate for gov- 

r > Waldo E. Yeater, was editor of the Farmers Exchange. The Illinois 

late was Willis R. Wilson, president of Chicago Evangelistic Insti- 
ooard of trustees. 

ate conventions were quite active. The Indiana state convention 
125 delegates. The New Jersey platform endorsed compulsory vot- 


ing machines for the entire state. In Kentucky, non-partisan common 
for state institutions, higher old-age pensions, and all-weather highway 
w P re among the issues voiced at their convention. 

There was active campaigning by both Watson and Johnson. i^oi 
indicated that a large minority of the voters was m favor of wartin 
prohibition. Watson decided to make this his key campaign issue Claw 
Watson received extensive publicity by asking for priority in air trav 
for presidential candidates, pointing out the wide travel privileges of t 
Roosevelt family. When Secretary of War Stimson refused to give hi 
a permit for air travel, Watson called a press conference ai 
that the President was afraid to take on^the Pro^bition 

When secretary 01 war dwuwu a«.uocu «* & — - 
a permit for air travel, Watson called a press conference and announc 
'mt was afraid to take on the Prohibition Party in 
Newsmen carried the matter to a Roosevelt press co 
after. The President turned to his £ 

open campaign. Newsmen carried the matter to a nooseveii ^«* ^ 
flience immediately thereafter. The President turned to his assist* 

Sid askecTwho "this character" Watson was. When told he order* 

UTS** to grant Watson the permission in front of the amus, 

Watson travelled well over 55,000 miles in thirty-two states, mu 
of it by air. Watson and Johnson won 74,758 votes in twenty-seven stat 
reporting returns. 

Between 1944 and 1948 a host of new personalities were attracted 
party activities. In Massachusetts, Joseph T. Zottoli, Boston mumcir 
£!j«„ **™»aiari ctnrtlmcr evidence as chain 

fudge, revealed startling evidence as chairman of the Massac hu 
Commission to Investigate Drunkenness. Judge Zottoh's findings 
vealed just how much worse conditions had become since repeal wh 
compared with conditions before. In 1945, he appeared before the anm> 
conference of state Prohibitionists to expound on his findings Althou 
he was always persistent in refusing to run for office on jhest ate tick 
he remained an unofficial party sympathizer. He spoke at the 1948 sta 
convention and various party functions thereafter. 


Z^Mnnnat 1 ^ ' C ° ng I esS ' ^ e ^ also enlistcd handsome, 39- 
■ ear-old Douglas Corngan to run for the United States Senate. A me- 

? fe rf *&^J£* a ? m 'A h *. had x be ^ n ° ne of *• workmen on ™he 

Spirit of St. Louis" An admirer of Charles Lindberg, he became a 
pioneer aviator in his own right In 1938, he made a non-stop fligh? from 
* a lifornia to New York. His plane was nine years old, with a sSgS 
angine no radio, and without adequate flying instruments. Taking off 

'' t n, e Kr rn r tn ? ^ C f lf ° mia V he flew over the Atlant * ^stcad, land- 

- hL D a ' l T u land , A i wa y s , sh y ^d modest, he refused to claim that 

he had flown there deliberately. The press dubbed him "Wrong Wav" 

™K ^autobiography, This Is My Story, became widely read. 
I. ven i before his California campaign, he had developed a good deal of 
speaking experience m war rallies in movie theaters around the country. 

imnSf thl^JT* ^/^u 5 Was P resident ot Boone Bible College. In 
Hinoxs, the ticket included the president of Greenville College and the 
™ c J« + an e rf Mo °dy Bible Institute. Virginia's candidate for the 

mnlnnn "nf *?"*■' ^ST * B °° rde > Was P" sident of General Welfare 
Security America - Thls Sroup worked for the liberalization of Social 

The Indiana state convention drew well over 500 delegates and 
•uunty tickets were named in fifty-four counties. The party's youth ot- 
'^^jSE^Ttt SlLI^J" several P of ^ county 

pn i. ouucm, »™™" "*" -"*~i -....-^m™ using uie oia venango rian in several of these countv 
chairman of the Massachusel mntests. However, county newspapers reported on the eve of th<* *»W 
>s. Judge Zottoli's findings i ' that the youth had failed to set enough nl«Tcf« + rt o™ r +1, ' * ™I, 

While baseball evangelist Billy Sunday had never felt that he shou 
onenly endorse the Prohibition Party, his heirs became far more actl 
i£ party affairs. Ma Sunday became particularly prominent at pal 
gatherings Homer Rodeheaver, trombonist and lead musician of the Si 
da? cSes over the years, also took part. He composed the hyma 
"Then Jesus Came," and "You Must Open the Door," among others. 
owner of a leading fundamentalist music publishing corporation, he 
ranged a strategy session between Babson and fundamentalist chui 
leaders in the 1940 campaign. At that time, he envisioned the fundarn 

alists as the wave of the future as old-line Protestant churches be ca 
more liberal- He also saw the party as a means of exerting this soc 
a^d political influence. In the late 1940's Rodeheaver went tow 

buildmg the party's youth organization by holding rallies Anot_ 

- his associate, Bentley D. Ackley. Co 

more liberal, ne aiso saw uic paiuj ao o »*""'- — — ° - — 

Sid political influence. In the late 1940's, Rodeheaver went to J 
buildmg the party's youth organization by holding rallies Anot 
attraction at these meetings was his associate Bentley D. Ackley. Cc 
noser of some 2,000 songs, Ackley was best known for such hymns 
"Mother's Prayers Havl Followed Me," "God Understands" 'In 1 

Service of th^ King," "I Want to Be There at the Rol -Call " "Tra; 

ZzZSSt*^ + u & flll +v of Jesus Be Seen in Me," "I Would Be L 

Jesus," "Joy in Serving Jesus," and "If Your Heart Keeps^ Right, 
party's poet laureate during the period W" 
Wheaton, Illinois. His poems were printed 

material in many partisan campagins. 

The 1946 mid-term elections attracted some interesting figures in 
-s. A former Congressman, John H. Hoeppel, ran on 

California races. 

..-,„ *u„4. *u Zi V V s .C — ■•»?"?-*•* ^^iwu uii me eve oi xne elec- 

J.Vph %llM ?Uth had f ^ led % .° get enou ^ h P led § es t0 C ^y the county, 
•ven though this was not true in some instances, many who had pledged 
to vote for the ticket felt that they were released from the pledge. m s lite 

i L vln^X* P ° lled a 5° Ut 25% ° f the vote in those counties where 
[ne Venango Plan was used. 

wTJ ir r a v° ngress i onal i istrict the P^y P° Ued 13% of the vote. 
Jewell County, Kansas, three Prohibitionists were elected in Walnut 
wnship and the candidate for sheriff was nearly elected. In Roxbury 

-^■Hampshire, the state chairman was able to elect the state U&Efoi 

hr that town by the write-in method. 

i The national convention assembled in June of 1947 in Billy Sunday 
nbernacle at Winona Lake, Indiana. There were 301 delegates and 77 
ternates from twenty-nine states and the District of Columbia One of 
ie evening rallies drew more than 2,500 people. A small group pressed 

LiS?*? Western of a name change, but the opposition was 

longer than ever. 

Nominations for president were made for Dr. Colvin, Claude Watson 
n if \ E 5 och , A -. Holtwick. Colvin withdrew and threw his support to 
U oltwick developing a spirited contest. Dr. Holtwick had been president 

,1?^ Pacific Junior College, before returning to Illinois to 
"I u t l lstor y department at Greenville College. <The California dele- 
tion backed him, in spite of it being Watson's Home state. Watson 
mwever, was renominated, 150-117. 

i ^ ^i^J^Tr 11 ?^ to name a w °man for vice president. Mamie 

Jesus," "Joy in Serving Jesus/' and "If Your near t ^eeps nigm , vin and Ethel Hubler> editor rf ^ National y . Vre nominated 

party's poet laureate during the period was Judge Frank E Herrick ov ^ ever ^hey both declined and the convention turned toDdeTS 
Wheaton, Illinois. His poems were printed or set to music as prop.g; misy lvania. Learn was a prominent businessman ^ who had beS 

!wM^^<- i *u n i • " i** v """™*"' "ubuiessman who naa been 

Tun^nl r e ?f n ? s y lvania ^ eal E ^ a te Association and president of 
Monroe County Insurance Association. He was trustee and alumni 
lent of East Stroudsburg State Teachers College. He was an officer 


in many civic and religious organizations, such as president of the Lehi ; 
Valley Layman's Association. 

The platform was much the same as the previous one with a fev 
exceptions. It called for international inspection and control ot atomi 
energy It further expressed opposition to peacetime conscription as 
bad influence on the morals of youth and a potential threat of mihta 
entrenchment in the government. The platform urged a government pr 
gram to alleviate the housing shortage, but generally it opposed nif 
taxes and government spending. 

Once again the party enjoyed the support of many religious leade: 
The Ohio gubernatorial candidate was John C. Williams, but death r 
moved him from the race. Williams had been president of Westmmst. 
College in Texas and chancellor of Kansas City University Among I: 
diana campaigners were Dr. F. W. Lough and Dr. J. A. Huffman. Lou? 
was national superintendent of the Clean Life League. Huffman was 
leading Mennonite Bible scholar who had engaged in excavations of t. 
Holv Land He has since been a contributor to the Higley Commenta 
and the author of two books on the Revised Standard Version of t 
Rihle For many years, he edited the Gospel Banner and was foundi _ 
president of the World-Wide Bible-Readers Fellowship. In higher ed u . 
Nation he was dean of Taylor University's School of Religion. Late* 
he was president of Bethel College and dean of the Winona Lake Schoo 
of Theology in the summers. He served the Prohibition Party for man| 
years as treasurer. 

The candidate for lieutenant governor on the Michigan ticket hat 
been the two-term president of the American Millers' Association III 
was also an associate of Henry Ford in carrying out the Lord s Acrtf 
nroiect A film financed by Ford had widely publicized his expenencj 
in tithing a piece of land by setting aside the produce of it for churcl 
work In Oregon, Paul F. Petticord took a leading part in the campaign 
President of Western School of Evangelical Religion he was distnjj 
superintendent of the Evangelical United Brethren. He was aided fc 
Dr. C. J. Pike, president of Cascade College. 

If the party's campaigns during this period did nothing else, thoj 
did provide a means to publicize many new and struggling fundamel 
talist schools. In this way, the party played an important role in cob 
solidating and institutionalizing this religious movement. Only in 1 
Prohibition Party did the fundamentalist splinter groups have a comrn 
meeting ground with the nineteenth-century liberals who had be 
trained at colleges which had once had a Christian emphasis. The re 
tionship between the two was always an uneasy one, but a beneficial o 
all the same. 

In Pennsylvania, Dr. R. R. Blews, eminent historian and Bible schoH 
became state chairman. Blews had been president of Evansville Jun 
College in Wisconsin and later dean of Greenville College. But no 
of party crusaders of this period would be complete without mention 
J Raymond Schmidt. Schmidt, editor of several reform periodicals, "V 
prominent for many years in leading the temperance lobby in Wd 
ington, D.C. 

Claude Watson's colorful style of campaigning pushed the Prohibit! 
Party to its highest vote since the enactment of prohibition. Betwe 
elections, Watson had learned to fly with much fanfare. At the openii 
of the W4B campaign, he purchased a new, four-passenger, smgle-engi 


plane in which he barnstormed the country. He gained added publicity 
by sending his wife on a tour of the White House. She then released 
to the press a list of alterations that she would make when her husband 
became its chief resident. 

»f twc e c3i m, l er + i f StS l eS ,° n *£? ball0t ^oPPed back to nineteen. In spite 

£3£dw& volT 6 for Watson and Learn continued t0 " ** 

The 1950 nud-term elections produced some interesting incidents. In 
he Kansas Prohibition primary, there was a contest for the gubernatorial 
v^T tlon - ^he winner was C. Floyd Hester, who had done extensive 
YMCA work in northern China. He had been principal of Friends Acad 

in7 WnriH w aS P l eS1 ^ t ° f . W «fc*» Methodist College. After both of 
the World Wars, he did extensive work around the country for Euro- 

n^wir X ? Tm A g the ca fP ai ^ n } he w as particularly active in building 
up local tickets. As a result, nineteen Prohibitionists were elected in six 
Kansas towns, and yet another missed election by two votes. Four of 
the towns were m Hester's own Jewell County. 

Four local officials were also elected in Heth Township of Harrison 
County, Indiana. The Massachusetts candidate for Auditor was a Negro 
dentist Several Negroes were active in the party from that state ove? 

&m& sitr s **■- county *-* -^ 

i A i }u e - 1952 campaign approached, several new religious leaders 
oaned their support to the party. Ma Sunday kicked off the drive for 
unds with the first contribution. Dr. Leroy Lowell, director of the na- 

&»^ y ^f TO Q br ? d ^^ ght ^ Life * our >" a § reed to run for ?he 

Jnited States Senate m Michigan. Mr. and Mrs. Virgil Brock, both widely 
known hymn-writers also helped the party in maliy ways. The Brocks 
are best known for their hymns, "Beyond the Sunset," "He's a Wonderful 
Savior to Me," and the children's chorus, "Sing and Smile and Pra ™ 

Most active among the new adherents was Bishop Wilbur E Ham- 
maker of Washington D.C Originally a missionary P bishop in ChhS 
ammaker returned after the trouble with Japan. He was a leadeTS 
I he America First Committee and was chairman of the Citizens' Unem- 
ployment Relief Committee. After retirement as bishop of the Denver 
area, he served in Washington as president of three important temper- 

;rtL Tt m i Zatl0nS i 5? 6dit !u Pro ^ ess Magazine and was a major leader 
Of the anti-hquor lobby in the nation's capital. 

Th l ?5L n ^ x H al conventi on in Indianapolis was electrified bv the 
news that Stuart Hamblen had agreed to take part in the proceeLgs 
amblen had been a cowboy singer for twenty-one years on a Warner 
Mothers radio show. Both he and his wife were combers of folk songs 
;.nd religious music A convert of Billy Graham, Hamblen had staged 
to such popular Graham films as "Oil City, U.S.^" Turning to religious 
music, he wrote, "It Is No Secret What God Ca? Do," tfe first gfspel 
»ng ever to reach the Hit Parade. His early cowboy song of grlatest 
fame was "Open Up Your Heart and Let the Sunshine In." His rfhgious 
longs were such ones as "Beside Still Waters," "Your Must Be Born 
fcgain," "I Believe," and "How Big Is God." 

The pre-convention rally at Indianapolis drew 5,000 people to hear 

tuart Hamblen. The next day, he flew on to New York for recording? 

while the convention debated whether to nominste him for president! 


Party regulars warned that the party had suffered at the hands of new- 
comers in the past. Led by William Varney, they presented Enoch Holt- 
wick as their choice. Once again, the California delegation backed him 
against a candidate from their own state. 

At the end of the nominating speech for Hamblen, some time was! 
yielded to the convention song-leader, who sang, "It Is No Secret." When I 
the vote was taken, Hamblen won, 74-41. The convention was swept by 
a large demonstration, as delegates marched about the hall, singing the 
Hit Parade gospel song which soon became the campaign theme. Holtwick| 
was nominated for vice president. 

The platform revealed the growing conservatism of the party. So-1 
cialistic trends in the government were condemned. The party charged 
that Social Seculity funds were being misused. Referring to the findings 
of the Kefauver Crime Committee, they condemned the hold that or- 
ganized crime exerted over the major parties. The evil of Communism! 
and the danger of subversive infiltration were also proclaimed. 

The students at Purdue University were the first to launch a Ham- 
blen-for-President Club, and the movement soon spread. The four radio 
and television networks donated fifteen minutes of time to him. The 1952 
summer conference in the Billy Sunday Tabernacle drew 6,000 people 
to hear him. During Hamblen's tour of the Midwest alone, his rallies 
drew 20,000 listeners, not to mention many radio and television appear- 1 

Hamblen and Holtwick were on the ballot in twenty states, as it was 
growing increasingly difficult to meet the ever more stringent require- 
ments A particularly hard loss was that of the Illinois ballot. But in the 
1952 election, a sheriff and thirteen other local officials were elected in! 
Jewell County, Kansas. Hamblen and Holtwick polled 78,818 votes. 



the ^KfiLtT^ the b *™ g ° f a series of set *>acks for 
me party. *or the first time since the founding of the nartv PmuiwI 

fn a ftS teehnSy * *** W " *° "^ ^ the ballot 

■„„ 7h he M f ssac >?"setts organization had drafted a liberal platform oral, 
™ri ^?JS »u m ' ™? y ca l led for revision of the McCarren-Walter Act 

&&£f£S^£3Z£2"* persons t0 this « 

K t0 show strength The sheriff of Jewell' My wL rented 
Party^Brfot \h e rL7 e n, t n % C ^ tribUted V he decline of *• Prohibition 

EB5S2 ??^««5SanaSSg 

The second crisis was a financial one Dr Gerald fWr>i«i+ v,„,j u 
come national chairman prior to the vS^^^S^^M^ 
the party was nearly $5,000 in debt Owrhnlt inT^K^ - ot£ice, 

paign, sending man/s^kers a C ro ss *2%£g?ggj dXoTmonev 

"as spent ' £W# W " h *! ¥* of Stuart SAfffcS much To% 
Ovprh^t ^ ^ y i 3, th t party debt had accumulated to over $20 000 and 
Sm; h aign r a e iX ed " ^^^ ^ mm had been ^ mThe 1952 

LowI^H^Coat^nrr^f Created , by his «™»»« ^ chairman, Dr. 

i. i j' .' Dr Coate was a long-time party worker but he h*U 

',HnS ""I*" 1 *!"", which would soon create VrtSeS He ™ a 

Ang^Bo^d rf^SHS™ H 6 h Ch l ld , We 3 fa re Department of Z Los 

was president of the Hoosier State Society in Cal^rma ' * 

D X' Co , at 5 had lon S been involved in the peace movement He h=H 

Lower classmate at West Point and a Pentagon adSnSorX gin-" 


eral had been forced into retirement because of the Holdridge Plan His 
proposal was to create a fourth branch of the governmei ^ to ^t the 
economy He reasoned that capitalism was doomed. After an attempt to 
fo?mT oartv of his own to promote the plan, he became the presidential 
candidate o \ £* virtually non-existent Vegetarian Party in 1952. Later, 
he w£ ^mi?iatediX the Mohawk tribe and became leader of the Amer- 
to Tlnd'an nationalistic movement, demanding the return o ■ ^ to 
their control. Among his several peculiar associations, his teughtei ap 
peared nightly as a "Mousekateer" on the television show of Walt Disney s 
Mickey Mouse Club. 

Prohibitionists were kept unaware of these associations, but they 
could read his militantly anti-Catholic articles which Coate _ began to 
orint in the party's newspaper. When several party leaders asked Coate 
to resSn r/insisted that he would stay on until the 1955 convention 
HeSwith all these disagreements far more openly on the pages of the| 
National Prohibitionist than anyone had previously. 

Dr Coate selected Camp Mack, north of Winona Lake headquarters, as 
the site of the 1955 national convention. The date was chosen to coincide 
with the closing of a conference of the Fellowship of Reconciliation at 
tie same place. Coate planned to have many of these pacifists remain as 
delegates to take control of the Prohibition national convention. This 
hone proved false, however. In addition, he laid plans to have two bus- 
loads of leftists come in from Chicago to outvote party regulars. Perhaps 
these were members of the dissident Democracy Unlimited. 

He planned to have them change the party's name. To lay the ground- 
work he emphasized the party's declining electoral strength and tne need 
to broaden its horizons. A resolution favorable to the change was passed 
by the Kansas state committee, and Dr. F. W. Lough also wrote an article 
supporting the idea. 

Dr Coate proposed Republican Senator William Langer of North 
Dakota as the s^dard-bearer. Langer was acceptable to Prohibitionists 
because he had sponsored a bill in Congress to prohibit liquor advertising 
overtae mass media. To the Coate faction of socialist or pacifist bent, 
Tan Jr haTpopulist-styled origins in the Non-Partisan League. At the 
s^mf time he was an isolationist in foreign affairs which was viewed 
fav?rabS by the pacifists. He was presented to Prohibitionists as a man 
who hadexperience in many governmental posts including sti £ attorney 
general and governor of North Dakota before entering the United State 

Senator Langer agreed to come to the Prohibition national ccnyentic 
to speak He w J received by an audience of about 300 people. Listener 
notod that he spent considerable time in his address going over his cr 
dentials as though he were looking for a nomination. Meantime, the aj 
dentials committee refused to seat delegates who would not pledg 
toya^toTTprohibition Party. Since many of Coate* assocates ; wer 
outsiders who would not make such a pledge, it was decided to hold 
mmp convention in the evening before the regular convention convened 
The name was changed to American Pioneers Party and William Lange 
was nominated for Resident. Prohibition Party leaders were aroused i! 
STe ,Se of the night, party records and offices were locked up a 
the p^ess was told that the action was not that of the party's convention! 
But there was still General Holdridge of California. Most pa 


leaders : were favorably impressed with his appearance at the convention 
..i nee they were unaware of his radical associations. William Varney once 
.igam fought for the cause of Enoch Holtwick and warned the party of 
its past misfortunes with newcomers and opportunists. A young new- 
comer, Earl F. Dodge of Massachusetts ,agreed with him, however. 
Dodge was aware of Holdridge's background and joined Varney in seek- 
ing to get Holtwick nominated 

The key was the Indiana delegation which controlled nearly a third 
Of the convention votes. The state leaders supported Holdridge. But when 

he vote came, more than two-thirds of the delegates heeded Dodge's 
lobbying by supporting Holtwick. He was narrowly nominated, 56-51 

I here had originally been 154 delegates from sixteen states and the 
District of Columbia. 

General Holdridge was nominated for vice president and he did im- 
portant work in California to keep the party on the ballot there. Pro- 
hibitionists needed more registrations to maintain the party primary 
here. Party workers pushed the enrollment up to 5,420, many more than 
the required number. Holdridge, however, began to make demands on the 
party which it could not meet. He withdrew and was replaced by Edwin 
m. Cooper of California, who had made such a good showing in the 1951 
elections. b 

The 1956 platform of Holtwick and Cooper called for more economic 
aid for needy peoples of the world. Co-operatives and profit-sharing were 
endorsed as usual. Price support programs for the farmers were con- 
demned. The party called for direct election of the president and vice 
president home rule and Congressional representation for the District 
01 Columbia, statehood for Alaska and Hawaii, full citizenship for Indians 
..rid encouragement of self-rule for Puerto Eico, the Virgin Islands, Guam 
and Samoa. 

The discouraging events of recent years dampened the campaign 
Nevertheless, CBS and ABC networks gave Holtwick and Cooper a half- 

inur of evening television time, and CBS radio also carried the broadcast. 

I he number of states on the ballot was cut in half (down to ten) How- 
ever, the vote in those states compared favorably to 1952. Holtwick and 
1 ooper won 41,937 votes. 

In state contests, Earl F. Dodge won 10,030 votes for Secretary of 
.late in Massachusetts. The Kansas United Dry Forces endorsed H O 
l.ytle for governor. A five-car caravan waged a 700-mile campaign tour 
U the state. Lytle was credited with 20,894 votes, despite the usual 
Count-out" of minor party votes. It was the largest vote that any party 
candidate at the top of the state ticket had ever received in Kansas 
Jewell County's sheriff was elected County Treasurer* and eight other 
I rohibitionists were elected there. 

i ii ^S party he l d its , own in the 195 8 mid-term elections. Massachusetts 
'•ailed tor an end to further nuclear testing and its top vote-getter re- 
','•' 8 £°S ? allots - The hi g hest state-wide totals in other states were- 

K.-.nsas, 28,713; Indiana, 19,327; and California, nearly 130,000. Special ef- 
orts were also made to revive the organization in New Hampshire and 
Uliode Island. 

The following year, there was a special election for Supreme Court 
justice in Michigan. Although the candidates were not listed by party on 
ballot > political parties named and endorsed the candidates The 


Prohibition candidate received 199,123 votes (22%). A slate was also en- 
tered in the municipal elections at Winona Lake, Indiana The party 
cantured control of the Town Board by winning two out of three seats 
NirnBradfield became chairman of the board. The other Prohibitionist 
was Virgil Brock. 

Meanwhile in Kansas, a Democratic governor preferred appointing 
Prohibitionists to naming Republicans. He was required to appoint .at 
least two out of five members on bi-partisan commissions from outside 
of his ow Tarty. He named two Prohibitionists, Warren C. Martin and 
Harry O Lytle, to the Kansas State Board of Paroles and Pardons. Lytle 
served a term as chairman. 

Two years later, a similar situation developed on the Hagertown, 

Indiana school board. Required to be bi-partisan, a deadlock developed 

over^hich party should have the deciding vote. They decided to name 

a Prohibitionist, Horace Smith, a Quaker farm manager^ Whe. .the reg* 

lar elections were held, Smith entered the race and polled about twice 

as many voles as any of the other candidates of either major 'party. He 

was alio elected board secretary at the organizational meeting. Other 

Prohibitionists also held local offices in other states, especially in Maine, 

The national convention of 1959 met in Winona Lake, Indiana. A 

special meaning was added to it by the fact that it was the party's nine- 

KSy. Virgil Brock wrote two special anmversary songs iof 

tlocT^n^ebetd liked of the two was "I'd Rather Be Right." There 

were 165 delegates and alternates, with a nearly equal number of visitors. 

The convention chose Dr. Rutherford L. Decker for the presidential 

nomination. Dr. Decker had been president of the Colorado Baptist Con- 

veSion and the Rocky Mountain Bible Conference. He was founder o 

The Denver Rescue Mission and the Colorado School of the Bible. He 

moved to Kansas City, Missouri, to become pastor of the 1^ - ^ 

Temple Baptist Church. At this inner-city church. Dr. Decker earned 

on an active program for the poor without government aid. He became 

°pres?dent of ttie lansas-Missouri Ba^ Welfare As^^ and ton* 

the Temple Foundation which provided housing for the aged. Dr. Deck 

was so Active in fighting the notorious political machine m Kansas CH 

that his church was bombed and burned in 194H. 

Decker was one of the founders of the National Association of Eva] 
wheals chief rival of the National Council of Churches. He was ' 
eariy ^ pVesiolt of the N.A.E. For many years, he also served as 
executive secretary. 

The vice presidential choice went to E. Harold Munn, Sr who 
spent most of his career in college teaching. At Greenville Colle 
Munn had been acting dean and registrar At the time of ^ nommat^l 
he was associate dean at Hillsdale College in charge of the college 
teacher-training program. Mr. Munn was a major share-holder in sevei| 
radio and television stations, being president of Twin Valley Broal 
casters, Inc. 

The platform of Decker and Munn continued the conservative trent 
of the party. It urged a gradual return to the gold standard the sale «.i 
government businesses to private owners, the application of anti-trull 
laws to labor unions. The delegates endorsed right-to-work laws and 
urged that secondary boycotts and industry-wide bargaining be madt 


illegal. They condemned foreign aid to any undemocratic nation and 

apposed federal aid to education. As usual, they opposed the useTpubhc 

unds to aid religious schools in any way, but they favored continued 

tax exemption for non-profit religious enterprises. There was also "he 

^ coTdeS^ Fadal eqUality ' bUt ra5al Vi0lence on bo?i sides 
Efforts were made to secure a place on many more state ballots 

\rZl?'n»i Party /*r d the legal requirements increasingly difficult 

^1- pecker and Munn were on the ballot in only eleven states At 

he I960 Democratic National Convention in Los An^T^SE^ 

,'f TheoI'/wK 6 ^ f ° r ^ candidat *' *hfe drew mention in the fSst 

of Ih^S^t^T series of political analyses (The Making 

l.v p^IVT^ WG ? sub J. ected to pressure and even to persecution 
Zt^Zt * ^enlists, owing to the fact that the Democratic candi- 
date was a Roman Catholic. In California, the Decker campaign made 

votfin r P r? greSS - In ^\ Cl ° S } ng days ' Re P ubIi can leaders saw tnaHhe 
vote m California would be close. They spread the word among Prohi- 
Utionists that Decker had withdrawn in favor of Nixon, and many 
■tc^n e d r ay n Prohlbltl0n str °»gholds announced it from the pulpits before 

In spite of the difficulties, the vote in California nearly doubled 
\Z\tZ7Tr pr ff identi S * lection (to 21,706). Had it not been for 
M».s the vote nationally would have revealed a decline due to many de- 
S^W? ^ states +u where the fundamentalist vote was important In 
o fZ^l h0 r VGr ' th l re + Were S ains " Tennessee and Alabama reported 
he largest votes since the turn of the century. Record votes were polled 
n Texas and New Mexico. But the national ticket had never been strong 
.stoncaly m the South anyway. The total for Decker and Munn Taf 
l!>,239 votes from eleven states. 

In a Navajo precinct near Shiprock, New Mexico, most of the voters 
were illiterates who customarily voted a straight Democratic ticket. When 

Kt^rvnT C Pl f?, 01 \ the ball0t WaS Changed to second P^e from its 

ustomary place at the top, party leaders worked hard to get the voters 

. pull the bottom lever instead of the top one. What thfy forgot was Decker's ticket was third on the voting machine. When the votes 

fee counted Decker polled 177 votes out of some two hundred votel 

'm^L V w° ne precmct in the COuntr y that was carried by the 
ohibition ticket, compensating in a small way for the many legitimate 

t 2l Were ne ir counted - Clonal news commentators alsf had a 
iioozer ° Ver P y P residential e] eotor in Montana, Harry A 



The 1962 mid- term elections brought mixed results. Michigan failed to 
gain the ballot for the first time since the founding of the party. The 
loss would prove to be lasting as the new restrictions were imposed by a 
change in the law. Part of the problem was created by the decision of 
the state committee (by a vote of five to four) to change the name to 
the American Christian Party, The new name brought little response 
from outsiders, while creating suspicion among party regulars. Later, 
the national party conducted a referendum on the proposal of a change 
in name. Party members defeated it by a two-thirds vote. The margin in 
Michigan, where the experiment had been tried twice, was about 75% 
opposed. The party did play one important role in Michigan in spite of 
the loss of a place on the ballot. The party supported the new state con- 
stitution. Since it was adopted by a razor-thin margin, the party's 
support of it was probably vital. 

During the 1962 campaign the party's paper called for a blockade 
of Cuba, when it became clear that Russian missiles were being installed 
there. The Prohibitionists were the first party to call for such action, 
later taken by the President. In Massachusetts a Worcester physician, 
with considerable cooperation from the city's Roman Catholic hierarchy, 
waged a vigorous campaign for Congress. He polled over 15,000 votes! 
There were about 8,000 additional votes cast elsewhere in the state for 
the general ticket. The candidate for auditor in Kansas, Rolland E, 
Fisher, polled over 62.0C0 votes, or about 13% of the total. Two state- 
wide California candidates polled 120,000 and 115,000 votes respectively. 
The larger figure was barely the 2% required to remain on the ballot. 

For several years, a vigorous Prohibition ticket had been entered in 
Lake County, Indiana. This county included the cities of Gary and East 
Chicago, and both major parties had become notoriously corrupt. In 1962, 
.i slate of forty-five candidates was filed. Lake County Prohibitionists 
played an important role in stirring public reaction against a corrupt, 
hi -partisan political machine. It was not long afterwards that a con- 
siderable reform movement made an impact on the city government of 
Gary. A similar situation occurred in Massachusetts where the party 
raptured the balance of power in the governor's race. The winning can- 
didate moved to crack down on illegal gambling and sought to abolish 
the death penalty, two issues on which the Prohibition candidate had 

The 1963 national convention was held in St. Louis. By choosing to 

meet in a metropolitan area, the party received far more attention in 

I he mass media than for many years. There were seventy- two delegates 

j from nineteen states and the District of Columbia, ""with about one hun- 

ii>d visitors. Special honors were given to Fred Squires, one of the 

iriginal founders of the American Businessmen's Research Foundation in 

Chicago. This organization had made many important statistical studies 

BVer the years, particularly on the liquor problem. Several of its leaders 

ftve been affiliated with the party. The convention was especially pleased 

W a party endorsement delivered in person by Mrs. Fred J. Tooze, 

•ident of the National WCTU. 


A spirited contest ^^^^^^3^^ 
candidate of those ""^^^'S o£ Milton C. Conover, a 

l^f A^rof -0 JSS^SS Sr^n Conover the presiden- 
tial nomination. ^ ^ pr 

Munn was nominated for president a ^ Rey Mar]( 

However, when Conover declined ^e contention most 

it Shaw. A Methodist clergyman Shaw was one 1 and pe 

widely travelled "'f^^V^SS figure in the party's liberal, 
groups in several parts of the world A cem * iQ lhe Fel i ows h ip 

SffiSSS^S h^en^y figure in the Massachusetts or- 

nr^irwrnU the r .«- **a— g 

system oF Social Security was ^ s f ro ^ er m S for acting as a legis- 

^ssrs^p^st ri m b£° j ^ and »**«-« ■ 

PUb T h rmott S 'serious "- S«?«SSlS ^^and^a «, 
nia. The state chairman, R .^7^ his far-rightist activities. He began 
was alienating the party faithful by h ls ia^ g ^ ^ ^ ^ ho 

to advocate that S °™ t0 *™ d ZT™s to keep up the party's registra- 
Prohibition ticket. The crucial need Wyekoffs activities did not 

tion so that it could hold P"™"y fe"^ * p rohib itioniste. Indeed, 
persuade right-wing Republican sto^ ^ r partj l , 

he even sabotaged such efforts. At tnesam , the ty 

their enthusiasm for eliciting new regstratmns^ as ^ ^ 

las ruled off the ™™tettete«to£™*J^a support , but 
&££& SSS3B. * «3- t- ballot once it was lost. 

The party aiso failed to gain*, ^^^ese, t£ °Inf^ 
effort. The ballot was ^ won in only nine stales ^ ^ fiMt 

had a tradition o ^t^^Sve write-in campaigns wer. 
^^^MRSrr A- and California. 

The most ^^J^^M ^oftis moS 
student body at Kansas Stat 1"*™^ severa l Negro churches in 
colorful experiences was « Sunday ** an with anll . 

New York and a ^Pfch m Cent ra « «• P ck>se to J 

Goldwater sentiments wrote an arUcle ^^ the , 

dorsing him. But all this could pr. °° . t3 Returns from elevci 

could not meet the ^* Wtot Uwreq urn ^ there was a « sca 

states gave Munn and Shaw 23 267 votes 1 Connecti cut, 2,509 fi 

Slld^lTn Cf^ WgeVortion of these were Pro* 
bit ion votes. 


candidate captured nearly 12,000 votes, three times that of the national 
ticket in that state. Both Massachusetts tallies were the largest that the 
party had received there in decades. The Massachusetts presidenial vote 
was, in fact, the highest in half a century. 

Dr. D. D. Gibbons, the national chairman, was active in getting bet- 
ter legal standing for minor parties. He had to carry one case to the 
Michigan Supreme Court, in order to gain the right to have write-in 
votes counted. Another case was carried to the United States Supreme 
Court, challenging the harrassment of minor parties by increasingly dif- 
ficult ballot laws. The Supreme Court, however, refused to even hear 
the case. 

Another of Dr. Gibbons' achievements was the launching of the 
Temperance Education Crusade. Through this emphasis, he was able to 
persuade party representatives in several states to carry on temperance 
programs in the public schools and Sunday schools. There are several 
such programs now in operation which the party has encouraged over 
the years. Dr. Gibbons himself was particularly successful with his talk- 
ing robot, Tommy Tune-O-Meter. 

The 1966 party conference in Kansas City called for an end to the 
"War on Poverty." It endorsed the Dirksen Amendment to restore prayer 
and Bible-reading to the public schools. For the first time in many years, 
Iowa had a state ticket in a mid-term election. Their vote doubled over 

The 1967 national convention met in Detroit. There were seventy 
delegates with forty-eight convention votes. Fourteen states and the 
District of Columbia were represented. E. Harold Munn was again 
placed before the convention for the presidential nomination, along with 
several favorite son candidates. Those opposing a second nomination for 
Munn chiefly supported Mark Shaw of Massachusetts. Munn was nomi- 
nated on the second ballot. Rolland E. Fisher, a Free Methodist evangelist 
From Topeka, Kansas, was chosen for vice president 

The platform urged the federal government to adopt a tax-sharing 
program with the states through use of the income tax. The heavily 
graduated nature of the income tax was condemned, however. Foreign 
aid should largely be in the form of "repayable loans," the platform 
stated. Defending the principle of neighborhood schools, it expressed 
opposition to artificial integration by busing. 

The party upheld the concept of national sovereignty and opposed 
Kiirrender of it to any international group. Peacetime national defense 
mould be left to "professionally trained volunteers." Programs of "mass 
medication" such as floridation of water were opposed. ^In mental health 
programs, the platform warned against "unjust and prejudiced incar- 
cerations." . 

The most important meeting of the 1968 campaign was a televized 
presentation by Munn at New York University. It was broadcast nation- 
wide on National Educational Television. However, regular television 
networks continued their trend of giving less and less coverage to 
"i. nor party efforts. In Michigan, enough signatures were submitted for 
"lute requirements for the first time. But there were enough that were 
i u led off by state officials to prevent the party from having a place 



, but state uiliw.«« -««*— •--" 

efforts were made in three others. 

The vote fell off f astrou^y in 196, ^^™^»J^ 
half of what it had been in 1964. J™* in severa retums 

the presidential vote is usually .^^f ^.to ?he other hand, the 
were only a fraction of what they ad been. ^ ^ 

vote in Massachusetts was the second lag** : ■«* ^^ 

time since 1944, a ticket was fielded ^[f^bTma (4,022), the results 
theless, had it not been for a record .vote in A» <£ >> gtates 

^^i^^"v^^£n- nation, tot.. The 
candidate for state treasurer polled 21,dbl votes. 

On September 1 and 2 of 1969. f™W^ fn^arf ofS 
twelve states met in Detrort to celebrate £e 100th aomve ^^ 
Prohibition Party No other m nor p»^J *„„/ no attention 
such a milestone. But the press B? v « l Th was muc h concern 

and only one reporter^o^ered^the^essron^^^ ^ ^ ^.^ 

ana umy ^"- «-*«-- •— •-. ..^ iqfi o showing. iet nearly ever^uiw 

£fclfr£ •hSS^Ih^SiWTSi a study of the party, 
future plans. 

were endorsed. One resolution ^f.^^^^nship for the peopl- 
self-government for Micronesia ; and * *ier ^ ^ P condemned 

of Samoa. Acts of violence and ^r to g^m cmi g ^ ( , 

3J^3— ySSSJKT^ ^/countries practicing oppres 

s/on The moiion to adopt such a resolution was carried. 


Shortly after the anniversary celebration, Earl Dodge announced 
hat he would seek a seat on the City Commission in his own right 
It was noted m the press that he was the leading officer in the Prohi- 
»TiWl national headquarters. He campaigned actively for about 
a month throughout the city. It was the first time that the party had 
sought an office in a city of that size in half a century with a chance 
° f n^ mn l ng *£ e el ! ction - When the votes were counted, Dodge polled 
6,470 votes, about 2,000 less than were needed for election. It was the 
largest vote that the party had polled in Michigan for over a decade 
even for a state-wide office. ' 

The party found three young men to head up the state tickets in 1970 
Concentrated efforts were made in Kansas, Massachusetts and Alabama" 
The Massachusetts platform called for the repeal of the sales tax to be 
replaced by the use of existing taxing methods plus a tax on pollution 
A vigorous program to combat pollution was urged. Also/a better mass 
transit system was endorsed, including the return of publicly owned 
.systems to private enterprise. The platform proposed a better program 
of educating the under- employed, including the addition of a thirteenth 
year of education m the public school system. It called for updating of 
the laws on cruelty to animals and the enforcement of laws on Por- 
nography Among the governmental reforms proposed were: recodification 
of state laws, use of data processing and cost accounting, more self-rule 
for local governments, public referendums on urban renewal projects 
reduction in the size of the state House of Representatives, and enlarge- 
ment of the Executive Council. 6 

• + u n i^ ba ? la :' the Sf publican Party dGcid ed to enter no state ticket 
.n the 1970 elections Thus, the Prohibition Party was the only group to 
enter a full slate of six candidates other than the two Democrltic fac- 
ions m Alabama. Prohibitionists looked forward to a good showing there 

In addition to these larger efforts, Pennsylvania Prohibitionists have 
continued to run local tickets over the years, even though they have been 
unable to meet the ballot laws for state-wide contests. In 1M6, they were 

'twill ?£ ■ en ° Ug V ? t6S ^ Venan S° Co^ty t0 be given full status for 
holding their own party primaries there. 

Two local campaigns were waged in 1970 in Pennsylvania. One of 

CwTS i% ai ^ G eff S? Was LeSter p «"H<*on f sheriff of McKean 
County. Sheriff Pendleton addressed a party rally and accepted a posi- 
jon on the party's state committee. A write-in campaign was waged in 
( alifornia for seven candidates, although state election officials refused 

* count the votes received. 


e city received a cuauuu <« w .-.^ ~- «—- Y ♦ -—-.,- 

cities in tuc um^« -" a member of the Community rveiatu"' 

S^*^ ~ £ f*'-*« a 5 ' ate *** "— ~ vot-ers-contS 

position was that of the Greater Kalamazoo L,ounc s ,„ ^ the Prohlbltlon Party a high degrge of ^^ f ^ nu.a 

long-ranged urban planning. 



SETS orner^ices polUng co£para bl e tital, In Massachusetts 
auditor candidate polled 13,373 

vo^ a wlthtwo S ^ ^ 
andidate for auditor m 

i 13,373 votes wit 
auditor canui^o *, a x , candidate ior auux«» «. 

states was 56,140 votes. 

Jerome B. Couch the candidate ^^^^^rS Son S 
first party f candidate for state ^«-™^ix candidates for governor 
Dublicity. In spite of the fact tnat tneie ™ Couch polled a record 

one a Republican and *«o JJemomtac facbra^ ouc J P ed only 

total of 9,705 votes. Even *e Percentage showings w ^ 

b°y the election of 1900. Candidates :for Comnuss oner o g^ 
Treasurer polled nearly two per cent of toe ^.^ in one district 

ssSrSrffiS! S3 r«£ M ^ «*. «. c^e «« *** 

polled more than three per cent. c , 

The party continues ** ^^ Roil* 

Haesard, president of Azusa Pacific ^nege _m hU candidat e and 

£ER5i l SKaSS2 "iMSS. ■$►*-* -is th, 

taxation of church-owned businesses was endorsed whenever such activi- 
ties were unrelated to religious work and were in competition with 
private businesses. It was suggested that preference for veterans of the 
military services when seeking government employment should be limited 
to only a few years after leaving the service. Favoritism of certain educa- 
tional institutions in hiring government leaders was criticized. The party 
endorsed year-round Daylight Savings Time after considerable debate. 

While defending freedom of the press, the platform condemned the 
news media for "sensationalizing a growing moral permissiveness." They 
were accused of creating the impression of being "approving and applaud- 
ing onlookers." The nation's welfare system was described as being in a 
state of "disgraceful shambles." The party pointed with pride to its 
pioneering support of aid to the genuinely needy. But it stated: "The 
tragedy is that many who are truly deserving today are receiving insuf- 
ficient aid." The platform rejected the guaranteed annual income as 
something that would "accelerate" the misdirection of funds rather than 
solve the problem. While the platform recognized the growing drug prob- 
lem, it insisted by its facts and figures that alcohol remained the most 
serious social evil. In a special resolution, the party deplored the change 
of dates for national holidays to make longer weekends, characterizing 
it as "a sacrilege for the sake of commercial convenience." 

Just prior to the convention, Hillsdale College awarded the party's 

are wi y increasingly promoted by the national chairman an honorary doctoral degree in recognition of his long 

Dr. Andrew C, Ivy s worxb ii* financial contributor. A years of service to that institution. For the first time in the history of 

nartv in recent years, and he nas , dwj i University of Chicago, 

vTorTd-renowned medical doctor «™°^* ^^ Medical Naval 

S-STT WO^ War H commanded ^ in me — ^ ^ c , icaJ0 


ten years as managing e^ditorottneirp he receivir( , 

books and more than ^O^fic^^- £ osecuted \im for fraud & 
national publicity when federal autnorn ^^ during the tna i and 
the promotion ol a camei ■." • 
cleared of the charges. p . ( 

The Prohibition National Convention ^ June *Wm« th ^ 
Church of the Nazarenem Wichita, Kansas^ It w^ ^ nulnberjrf _ ,„ 

wfchiVa 6 KanUr Uwas the. furthest west 

Churcn 01 ui= - r " .£' i™i ever been held. The number of 

south that a party """JgLSSj £,«,. than for many years. But tho 
of-state delegates was consideraoiy 1 arge the dlstanfp 

?ocal attendance was much smaller «'; § t Fifty .tw, 
3 the convention from any b* ** ^"U the Distr ict of Columbta 

certified from fourteen st 

the party, a presidential standard-bearer was nominated for a third time 
in succession. E. Harold Munn, Sr. was nominated on the second ballot. 

Four other candidates were presented to the convention, but those 
opposed to breaking the tradition of two nominations centered their 
support around Charles Wesley Ewing, a Michigan clergyman. One 
unusual feature was that Munn and Ewing each delivered the nominat- 
ing speech for the other. Munn was nominated over Ewing on the second 
ballot, 31 to 19 after states had changed their votes. Only four votes 
.separated the two before switches were made. 

For vice president, the convention selected the youngest nominee in 
half a century. Marshall Uncapher of Hutchinson, Kansas was chosen on 
the first ballot over one opponent (30-22). As a sales representative for 
M. W. Hartman Manufacturing Company, he has been able to make many 
appearances on behalf of the party during his travels all over the country. 
He is a former school teacher and principal. 

Following the convention, the National Committee chose Rev. Charles 
An unusual Wesley Ewing as its Chairman to succeed Dr. Munn. Earl F. Dodge was 

delegates were certified ironi ivT^r-^ and guests. An unusuoi wesiey rawing as us unairman to succeed Dr. Munn. Earl F. Dodge w 

There were some thirty-five ot ^ er °J^ r S* tes who were below the re-elected Executive Secretary. Rev. Ewing is nationally known as a 

feature was the seating of four teen-age aeieg* temperance lecturer and as the author of the book The Bible and Its 

nap of eighteen. . . f nWt}n Wines. The Wichita convention also saw the formal organization of the 

to write the platform as a b Societv foi nrpsorvp thp nartv'c i™ rt k«^_ 

artisan Prohibition Historical Society to preserve the party's long her- 
age of achievement. There were fifteen charter members from eleven 

The 1972 campaign opened with several discouraging obstacles. A 
^nrerns werl' voiced, although nuclear ^ c ^™ T J£es by federtl whole new 'battery of repressive ballot laws had been enacted since the 
endorsed, Tcalled for enforcement of *™ "g 1 ^ disobedfence WM '"tensive third party activity of 1968. New barriers in three states where 

£ xv *-fw+ nf ?nme to write tne piauw**" — - — - . >muj)cui iiwiuiuuu inawnuii LJUKsiciy mj preserve me party s long ner- 
.piuca^atl^ of I^^^^^^S^^^ SSL* aChi6Vement Th6re ^ Mt ™ **« -"*" f - el — 
S^ft2&^XS?5 i^J? *Vo C rr?»^S!dty m wt . The 1972 campaign opened with several discouraging obstacle, A 


employees, and the em. 

phasis of many leaders on 

\e party had been making progress precluded access to the ballots of 

Ihese states. A defection in the Indiana leadership also ended chances 

v + „ +0 T-olntions supported a continued tax-exeir I „f filing a ticket there for the first time since the party was founded. 

church-state reiaiiF. ^ p ro p er ty. However, th© A federal court ruling threw the Prohibition Party and one other party 




off fte ballotin Massachuse^de^ng a more lement ^UoUaw^ 

^^.nf^eC^SlSAs in the state courts with a 

good chance of winning. 

The party was cheered ^^T^^l^^^^^ 
office for the first time in ^ r ^ n y t l a e board o? directors of a five-town 
was elected to a three-year ; term on ^™^° B virtue of th e office, 
school administrative district in eastern . lai y ^ & school 

TS — OP LOOM. O"™™™™™^^ 

fill. Most are dominated by one major pany arrangements by 

ties divide territories ^ ween the m and d e P^ In many £ tho 
which neither wdl hurt fteoher^spher ^ wel 

smaller units "dry "segment remain ^s B from & ma]0r party 
competition from a ft rd party where ^ ^^^ 

Local elections of the past decaae na candidates art 

that the Prohibition Party can *m do ^11 whe^g rf ^ 
fielded. Preserving the moral and *P£ b conslde red one of he 

and the vitality of *. ^g^ffl^al of the population mate 
major challenges. The ace ewravi^ v assumed that people who 

this even more imperative Nor sh ^« ]t values . often they art 

^rootld tVthSrold^^opln^o the new approaches and concert 

SS^^^^^*SSo» *^«- y «-^ 'one of a * 

public life. several state contests in 

By capturing the b-alance of powe * ™ *^ % deni0 nstrate that 
past decade, the Prohibition ^^^^rnatter very much to 

^response that serves as a catalytic agent. 


It 1S vital for the ^^^^^J^^e^TV ^ 
^^pu&^Ip^coSration. The party's national , 


paigns and meetings serve as a means of interdenominational cooperation 
among Christians who belong to evangelistic churches that have been 
slow to cooperate in general. The party has been a stimulus to other tem- 
perance groups in pursuing their particular types of programs, helping 
to keep them from taking softer stands on moral issues 

But the party campaigns are a vehicle to reach people in ways that 
others cannot. There are millions of newly-enfranchised students in high 
schools and colleges. They are open and curious. Many are experiment- 
ing with drugs and other forms of moral permissiveness placed before 
them by a spiritually bankrupted social and political system. They will 
not listen to an old-fashioned temperance lecturer but thev will listen to 
a candidate for office. In like manner, the news media* will publicize 
the statements of a candidate when they will ignore a preacher or a 
candies S ° Prohibition Part y has called on preachers to become 

But the party meets a new threat that must be faced. Legal bar- 
riers and astronomical costs in gaining the ballot make it impossible to 
be a bonatide candidate in an increasing number of states. This is not 
likely to change, but there is an alternative. 

Presidential primaries are becoming less and less a party function 
and more and more the first round of a general election. This year sees' 
a sharp rise in the number of states where primaries are open to all 
voters regardless of party. The number of states where anyone's name 
may be entered by a simple decision of an election official is also increas- 
ing. This will probably have to be the forum of the future where the 
party can show its strength. 

Many elections in recent years have revealed a large number of 
voters willing to vote for Prohibition candidates in contests that are 
Mess vital" in the voters' minds. Candidates at the lower end of the 
ticket often poll many times the votes of those at the top. The party can 
expect to do better in presidential primaries and have considerably more 
influence on the campaigns. Of course, the party should continue to enter 
the general elections where it can. But it should consider entering 
contests m open-primary, easy-access states where the general election 
ballot is closed to the party. 

People are often puzzled as to how and why the Prohibition Party 
has lasted so long. No other minor party has ever survived for anything 
like this length of time. And yet, it has always been so small and has 
had disasters befall it so many times that have ended other third parties 
in comparable situations. One must consider that some great moral im- 
perative has given its partisans the strength to go on. 

This author has been impressed and deeply moved by their blueprint 
of a Christian society. Indeed, it is startling how close the vision came 
to being realized. In the spirit of the ancient prophets, they called a 
nation to repent and to seek righteousness through the vehicle of a politi- 
cal party. ^v 

Theirs was never a happy or a pleasant task. Politicians like to find 
scapegoats on which to blame our troubles. But the partisan prophet 
with humility and without gloating, must point out our own faults. Some- 
one must hear the call for duty, to declare that the trouble lies with 
the sin of our own hearts. The healing and regenerating of a nation 
must come from a Power above us, not from the powers that we presume 
BO be our own. It is that Power which the partisan prophets have strived 
i'» proclaim. 


^^l^^go^ 971 j ° r tfW Pr€SidenCy in 1940 > National 

Bart B^o^61 H *' WendeU PMlUpS > Bmhm ™ Radical > Beacon Pr ^> 

Byrne Frank L., Prophet of Prohibition, Neal Dow and His Crusade State 
Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison, 1961. 

C ° 1V ^es?; N^Vrk^l926! 0n *" ** DWW 5totW ' Columbia University 

Dall Lfiw n Arg ™ ° f Portland > Mai ne, newspaper articles on the 1900 
ana muz campaigns. 

Dictionary of American Biography. 

D0W rh F H e ±n iC T N " P ™ hibi *™-Wh % How, Then, Now, Maine Woman's 
Christian Temperance Union, Portland, 1931. 

^ W C^.! i p ^^^ SCenCeS ° S Neal D ° W ' Evenin ^ Ex *> ress Publishing 

Earh c^L^S tt S^S From PrayeTS t0 PoUtics > University of 

Fal Ho^oTF^utt I^TA^^ A HlSt ° ry <* S ™> M ™> 
^^iTkngel^mQ Broth e*> Stuart Hamblen, Cowman Publications, 

J ^W &yi w ^ ornia ' Littie « Bro ™ - d c °> **»■. 

National Cyclopedia of American Biography. 

Nat tough ^^ ^^ 0ffidal ° rgan ° f the Prohibition Pa rty from 1933 

National Statesman, official organ of the Prohibition Party from 1962 to 

wis jpi then l. 

Odegard, PeterH, Pressure Politics: The Story of the Anti-Saloon League 
Columbia University Press, New York, 1928. 

Ross Ishbel , Crusades and Crinolines, The Life and Times of Ellen Curtis 
Demorest and William Jennings Demorest, Harper & Row, New York 

Sinclair Andrew, Prohibition, The Era of Excess, Little^ Brown and Co., 
.Boston, 1962. "~ 

Taylor, Robert L., Vessel of Wrath, The Life and Tihes of Carry Nation 
New American Library, New York, 1966. ' 

Tha 1967 Ge ° rge ' Farther Sh0T€S °f Politics, Simon & Schuster, New York, 

Who's Who in America, 1899-1972. 

W ° Aubu^HBO 11 F "' Pr ° hihition in Maine > Maine Prohibition Committee, 















For President 

James Black 

Green Clay Smith 


Neal Dow 

John P. St. John 

Clinton B. Fisk 
Mew Jersey 

John Bidwell 

Joshua Levering 


(Bentley arid Southgate) 

John G. Woolley 

Silas C. Swallow 

Eugene W, Chafin 

Eugene W. Chafin 


J. Frank Hanly 

Aaon S, Watkins 

Herman P, Faris 

William F. Varney 
New York 

(Hoover in California) 

William D. Upshaw 

D. Leigh Colvin 
New York 

Roger W. Babson 

Claude A. Watson 

For Vice President 

John Russell 


Gideon T, Stewart 

Henry A. Thompson 

William Daniel 

John A. Brooks 

James B. Cranfill 

Hale Johnson 

Henry B. Metealf 
Rhode Island 

George W. Carroll 

Aaron S. Watkins 

Aaron S, 


Ira Landrith 

D. Leigh Colvin 
New York 

Marie C Brehm 

James A. Edgerton 

Frank S. Regan\ 

Claude A. Watson 


Edgar V. Moorman 

Andrew Johnson 

Total Vote 

9 T 737 















1948 Claude A. Watson 

1952 Stuart Hamblen 

1956 Enoch A. Holtwick 

I960 Rutherford L. Decker 


!964 E. Harold Munn, Sr. 

1968 E. Harold Munn, Sr. 

1972 E. Harold Munn, Sr. 

Dale H. Learn 

Enoch A. Holtwick 


Edwin M. Cooper 

E. Harold Munn, Sr. 

Mark R- Shaw 

Rolland E. Fisher 

Marshall E. Uncapher 


— • i A~ q R7R Pennevlvania write-ins for Varney. 

*^^j£^^^> *■?** ^ ^ V ° teS 
of^n excluded from official returns. 



1869 Chicago, Illinois 
1872 Columbus, Ohio 

1876 Cleveland, Ohio 
Cleveland, Ohio 
Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 
Indianapolis, Indiana 

1892 Cincinnati, Ohio 

1896 Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania 

1900 Chicago, Illinois 

1904 Indianapolis, Indiana 

1908 Columbus, Ohio 

1912 Atlantic City, New Jersey 

1916 St. Paul, Minnesota 

1920 Lincoln, Nebraska 

1924 Columbus, Ohio 

1928 Chicago, Illinois 

1932 Indianapolis, Indiana 

1936 Niagara Falls, New York 

1940 Chicago, Illinois 

1943 Indianapolis, Indiana 

1947 Winona Lake, Indiana 

1951 Indianapolis, Indiana 

1955 Milford (Camp Mack), Indiana 

1959 Winona Lake, Indiana 

1963 St. Louis, Missouri 

1967 Detroit, Michigan 

1971 Wichita, Kansas 





















John Russell, Michigan 
Simeon B. Chase, Pennsylvania 
James Black, Pennsylvania 
Gideon T. Stewart, Ohio 
John B. Finch, Nebraska 
Samuel Dickie, Michigan 
Oliver W- Stewart, Illinois 
Charles R. Jones, Pennsylvania 
Virgil G. Hinshaw, Oregon 
B. E. P. Prugh, Pennsylvania 
D. Leigh Colvin, New York 
Edward E. Blake, Illinois 
Virgil C. Finnell, Indiana 
Gerald Overholt, Texas 
Lowell H. Coate, California 
E Harold Munn, Sr., Michigan 
Earl F. Dodge, Massachusetts 

Co-Chairman, 1958-1962 
Delmar D. Gibbons, Michigan 

Co-Chairman, 1963-1967 
Earl F. Dodge, Michigan 
Executive Secretary, 1967-1971 

Charles W. Effing, Michigan 
Earl F. Dodge, Colorado 
Executive Secretary 1971-